A.Yeshuratnam Blog: WILLIAM LEE FORERUNNER OF NARAYANA GURU AND AYYANK...: WILLIAM LEE FORERUNNER OF NARAYANA GURU AND AYYANKALI: WILLIAM LEE, PRECURSOR OF NARAYANA GURU AND AYYANK... : WILLIAM LEE, THE PRECURSOR O...
Caste pollution in Travancore society became rigid because of the hierarchical stratification of society on the basis of occupation. Caste system was unsparingly maintained in Travancore through rigid rules of social and economic penalties. Historical events show that caste structure in Travancore was one of the harshest systems of hierarchy to be found anywhere in the country. Each caste found its place in the hierarchy in accordance with the rules of purity and pollution. Fears of pollution led to the emergence of the dreadful outcaste division called the “Untouchable,” who remained as the lowliest members in Travancore society. Occupations, food, materials and even persons were ranged on a scale from purest to most impure.For instance, Pulayas, Ezhavas . Pariahs and other lower castes were considered deeply polluting because of their occupation. To mark their degradation, Ezhavas were not allowed to carry umbrellas, wear shoes or golden ornaments, build houses above one storey in height, milk cows; Ezhava women were forbidden to wear any clothing whatever above the waist and to carry pots of water on the hip. The services of Ezhavas were often demanded to work in the fields of Nairs or carry burdens for the Sudras and the native Government, known as oozhiyam. “They could not attend schools with high-caste children, take jobs in government service, enter Hindu temples or have idols of the higher gods in their own temples. Yet they were the largest caste in Kerala, accounting for 26 per cent of the population.”[1] Brahmins and Nairs believed that the mere touch of a lower caste brought defilement. Pulayas in Travancore were treated worse than beasts. George Matthen wrote: “The condition of these unhappy beings is, I think, without a parallel in the whole range of history. They are regarded as so unclean, that they are thought to convey pollution to their fellow creatures, not only by contact, but even by approach. They are so wretchedly provided with the necessities of life that the most loathsome things are a treat to them. Their persons are entirely at the disposal of their masters, by whom they are bought and sold like cattle, and are often worse treated. The owners had formerly power to flog and enchain them, and in some cases to maim them, or even deprive them of their lives”[2] Caste rules made these lower castes live like subhumans for centuries and they simply surrendered to their fate without any way to alter the existing conditions. Untouchables had to perform free services which were essential to caste Hindus such as sweeping, maintaining cremation grounds, disposal of carcasses, making leather slippers and blacksmith work . As Wolpert says the untouchables “came to be feared at even distant sight by Namboodiri Brahmins. Those dreaded poor people were obliged to wear warning bells, like cattle, so that at first sound of their remote approach, Brahmans might shield their eyes to avoid possible “piercing” by “poison arrows” of an “unseeable’s” glance, or simply run indoors and lower the blinds.”[3] This was the social environment which was encountered by the Christian missionaries in the early decades of the 19 th century. The LMS and CMS missionaries came to Travancore during this period and creatively engaged in liberating them from these harsh conditions. Missionaries became catalysts for the emergence of modernity and emancipation. They were responsible for starting socio-religious movements in Travancore. . Their attempts to reform Travancore society had its ripples in other communities also. The emergence of social reformers such as Naryana Guru,
Ayyankali and social movements such as Vaikom Satyagraha and Guruvayur Satyagraha were all byproducts of the socio-religious movements started by the missionaries. Missionaries cleared the ground for those at the lower end of social structure and opened a way for them to improve their status and escape from caste-based disabilities. As Romila Thapar said, “The Vaikom Satyagraha of 1924-25, a historic struggle for Dalits’ right to use the public road close to the Vaikom Mahadeva temple, symbolized a movement for justice and equality across the country during the freedom struggle.” She further pointed out that the agitation was borne out of the extreme injustice done to Dalits. Untouchability and denial of the right to use public roads were an extremely shameful aspect of the then social order[4] ”
William Lee, a missionary belonging to L.M.S. was the pioneer who ventured to change the social order by using the public road which was barred from entry for non-Brahmins. The incident occurred on August 16, 1868. Panjalingapuram was a Brahmin village in South Travancore and people had to
pass through this village to reach the main road. Dewan Madava Rao informed the Resident that this village was ‘situated in an isolated country place’ and was ‘entirely a series of Brahmin houses closely packed.’[5] William Lee had to use this only road that was passable to reach another village.
Samuel Mateer has recorded this incident in his book, The Land of Charity:
Ayyankali and social movements such as Vaikom Satyagraha and Guruvayur Satyagraha were all byproducts of the socio-religious movements started by the missionaries. Missionaries cleared the ground for those at the lower end of social structure and opened a way for them to improve their status and escape from caste-based disabilities. As Romila Thapar said, “The Vaikom Satyagraha of 1924-25, a historic struggle for Dalits’ right to use the public road close to the Vaikom Mahadeva temple, symbolized a movement for justice and equality across the country during the freedom struggle.” She further pointed out that the agitation was borne out of the extreme injustice done to Dalits. Untouchability and denial of the right to use public roads were an extremely shameful aspect of the then social order[4] ”
William Lee, a missionary belonging to L.M.S. was the pioneer who ventured to change the social order by using the public road which was barred from entry for non-Brahmins. The incident occurred on August 16, 1868. Panjalingapuram was a Brahmin village in South Travancore and people had to
pass through this village to reach the main road. Dewan Madava Rao informed the Resident that this village was ‘situated in an isolated country place’ and was ‘entirely a series of Brahmin houses closely packed.’[5] William Lee had to use this only road that was passable to reach another village.
Samuel Mateer has recorded this incident in his book, The Land of Charity:
“The most recent occurrence of this kind took place about the middle of 1868, in the case of the Rev, W. Lee. One morning, attended as usual by his horse keeper, a native Christian, Mr. Lee was riding
to one of his congregations, through the Brahman street of Panjalingapuram, near Cape Comorin, a street which he had passed through repeatedly, as had other missionaries and Europeans for the last forty years, and which was the only direct road to the place he was about to visit. On this occasion the Brahmans assembled to prevent his passing through their street, and one suggested that he should go by an alleged back road instead of the direct route. Willing, if possible, to gratify the people, Mr. Lee consented to examine the by-road, so called, and found it was merely a path among the cesspools of the village, scarcely passable, of the existence of which he had never before heard, and by which under these circumstances he declined in future to proceed. When returning in the evening he was set upon and furiously attacked by a mob of Brahmans; stones and brass vessels were thrown at him, and he received some severe blows. He was struck at with a bullock pole, and his travelling bag was carried off by one of the assailants. After passing through the village he got off his horse and went back alone to the Brahmans, who had congregated at a little temple at the outside of the street, and asked in a conciliatory tone why they had committed the outrage, requesting them to return the bag. Again he was assaulted, and with difficulty escaped “[6]
to one of his congregations, through the Brahman street of Panjalingapuram, near Cape Comorin, a street which he had passed through repeatedly, as had other missionaries and Europeans for the last forty years, and which was the only direct road to the place he was about to visit. On this occasion the Brahmans assembled to prevent his passing through their street, and one suggested that he should go by an alleged back road instead of the direct route. Willing, if possible, to gratify the people, Mr. Lee consented to examine the by-road, so called, and found it was merely a path among the cesspools of the village, scarcely passable, of the existence of which he had never before heard, and by which under these circumstances he declined in future to proceed. When returning in the evening he was set upon and furiously attacked by a mob of Brahmans; stones and brass vessels were thrown at him, and he received some severe blows. He was struck at with a bullock pole, and his travelling bag was carried off by one of the assailants. After passing through the village he got off his horse and went back alone to the Brahmans, who had congregated at a little temple at the outside of the street, and asked in a conciliatory tone why they had committed the outrage, requesting them to return the bag. Again he was assaulted, and with difficulty escaped “[6]
When this matter was reported, the Travancore government was not willing to punish the Brahmins. Since this assault created a sensation in the locality, a trial was conducted. A twelve-year old boy, named Abraham, was the prime witness. He boldly told the magistrate that stones and brass vessels which were in the hands of the Brahmins were thrown at Lee. The Magistrate asked the lad how Lee could escape if the stones were big and he explained through hand gesture the size of the stone used by the Brahmins to hit him.The stones were gathered from the road side and not big missiles[7] The Magistrate was satisfied with the answer and this was confirmed by Lee's oral statement in the court.
Although the assailants were convicted, they were just fined a nominal amount of Rs.30 each to appease the public. The Resident was not satisfied with this light punishment and he remarked, ‘certainly no great burden upon these wealthy Brahmins.’[8] Travancore government was following, right from the beginning, a highly biased policy against all social movements, including the upper cloth revolt. When the Vaikom Satyagraha started the ruling Maharaja of Travancore was Sree Moolam Thirunal. He and his minister Dewan Bahadur T. Raghavaiah openly opposed the Satyagraha movement. Dewan Raghvaiah made a speech in the Travancore legislature strongly defending the Savarnas and denouncing the Satyagraha. In the ‘Lee Assault incident’, Dewan Madava Rao’s view was that the village was purported to be private property which had been donated to the Brahmins and therefore the Brahmins of the village “were entitled to deny to the public the right of way through the main street of the village, until such right of way was declared by a Court of law”.[9] Madava Rao argued, ‘it was the duty of Mr.Lee, under the circumstances, to avoid risking so probable a breach of peace.’[10] Madava Rao’s argument was not at all justifiable. That was the only route available for going to the next village. The public should not be prevented from using the route just because it passed through a Brahmin village. In the absence of any opposition party in those days, the Dewan’s ruling was accepted by the subservient public. But this assault on Lee by Brahmins for using public road caught the attention of the Madras government and it made strong objection for not punishing the offenders. Although media was not active in those days, the public was very much incensed at the outrageous behaviour of the Brahmins. This was felt by Madras government and it pointed out that “in Madras Presidency, men of all castes and nationalities passed every day through streets exclusively inhabited by Brahmins and approached their wells and pagodas.’[11] Madras government issued an order to the Resident to urge His Highness firmly for the adoption in future of the principle that “The public high streets of all towns are the property, not of any particular caste, but of the whole community, and that every man, be his caste or religion what it may, has a right to the full use of them.”[12] The Lee assault incident opened up a Pandora’s Box of social problems. The Governor of Madras was very much concerned about the social disabilities and discrimination in Travancore. So in September 1869, about a year after Lee’s assault, Madras government called for a detailed ‘report upon any substantial disabilities or oppression to which the lowest castes in Travancore are still practically subjected.”[13] The Madras government also stated with regard to education that “the establishment of separate government schools for high and low caste pupils is most strongly to be deprecated as tending to sanction the continuance of distinctions which are most injurious to the progress of people of Travancore.”[14] In response to the order of Madras government, G.A.Ballard, the Resident, submitted a report in which he highlighted the following disabilities:
Although the assailants were convicted, they were just fined a nominal amount of Rs.30 each to appease the public. The Resident was not satisfied with this light punishment and he remarked, ‘certainly no great burden upon these wealthy Brahmins.’[8] Travancore government was following, right from the beginning, a highly biased policy against all social movements, including the upper cloth revolt. When the Vaikom Satyagraha started the ruling Maharaja of Travancore was Sree Moolam Thirunal. He and his minister Dewan Bahadur T. Raghavaiah openly opposed the Satyagraha movement. Dewan Raghvaiah made a speech in the Travancore legislature strongly defending the Savarnas and denouncing the Satyagraha. In the ‘Lee Assault incident’, Dewan Madava Rao’s view was that the village was purported to be private property which had been donated to the Brahmins and therefore the Brahmins of the village “were entitled to deny to the public the right of way through the main street of the village, until such right of way was declared by a Court of law”.[9] Madava Rao argued, ‘it was the duty of Mr.Lee, under the circumstances, to avoid risking so probable a breach of peace.’[10] Madava Rao’s argument was not at all justifiable. That was the only route available for going to the next village. The public should not be prevented from using the route just because it passed through a Brahmin village. In the absence of any opposition party in those days, the Dewan’s ruling was accepted by the subservient public. But this assault on Lee by Brahmins for using public road caught the attention of the Madras government and it made strong objection for not punishing the offenders. Although media was not active in those days, the public was very much incensed at the outrageous behaviour of the Brahmins. This was felt by Madras government and it pointed out that “in Madras Presidency, men of all castes and nationalities passed every day through streets exclusively inhabited by Brahmins and approached their wells and pagodas.’[11] Madras government issued an order to the Resident to urge His Highness firmly for the adoption in future of the principle that “The public high streets of all towns are the property, not of any particular caste, but of the whole community, and that every man, be his caste or religion what it may, has a right to the full use of them.”[12] The Lee assault incident opened up a Pandora’s Box of social problems. The Governor of Madras was very much concerned about the social disabilities and discrimination in Travancore. So in September 1869, about a year after Lee’s assault, Madras government called for a detailed ‘report upon any substantial disabilities or oppression to which the lowest castes in Travancore are still practically subjected.”[13] The Madras government also stated with regard to education that “the establishment of separate government schools for high and low caste pupils is most strongly to be deprecated as tending to sanction the continuance of distinctions which are most injurious to the progress of people of Travancore.”[14] In response to the order of Madras government, G.A.Ballard, the Resident, submitted a report in which he highlighted the following disabilities:
1. The lower castes are not permitted to use roads open to the public of higher castes.
2. They are not permitted to enter or approach within a certain distance of many Courts and
public offices.
public offices.
3. They are excluded from Government schools.
4. They are excluded from public service.[15]
The Madras government viewed these disabilities as a ‘serious blot upon the high character which the
administration of Travancore has gained’, [16]and urged the Dewan to abolish these practices. Madras also drew a comparison with the British Malabar and stated that “The same prejudices, the same difficulties have … been completely overcome under British rule in the District of Malabar, where the caste[s] affected are much the same as in Travancore. “[17] William Lee’s assault for using public road, quite interestingly , had brought about a social revolution in Travancore. The Travancore government issued a circular in 1870 throwing open most of the public roads to all castes and communities. Law courts were also made accessible to all classes.[18]. The order throwing open public roads to all classes was not strictly followed. A CMS missionary has recorded in 1883: “In some places they (Pulayas) are not allowed on the public roads, in others they are driven from them to seek shelter in the jungle on the approach of a high caste man … They are not allowed to enter any public markets … In ordinary cases they are not allowed nearer to the cutcherry (government office) than from 40 to 100 yards.”[19] In another incident, a Syrian Christian, an Ezhava convert named Cherian, was abused in Thiruvalla by caste-Hindus for not observing the distance of pollution on the public road near a temple. When the matter was brought to the notice of the Tahsildar by the Syrian Christian priest with the plea that a converted Ezhava was not bound down by the custom of his caste, he referred the case to the Dewan, V. Krishna Rao. The Dewan then issued a directive known as “the Tiruvalla Edict,” which declared that “though an Ezhava becomes a Christian, he must never cease to be an Ezhava and therefore “Cherian and other converts must not be allowed to pass through the public highway by the temple.”[20]Although there were some disabilities and restrictions immediately after the circular there were also visible signs of mobility as years passed by. In 1897, a LMS missionary exclaimed: “Pulayans may now be seen working in or near Brahmin streets – a thing impossible a few years ago.”[21] William Lee’s assault triggered a social revolution in Travancore. In a span of five decades, the social structure of Travancore was incredibly transformed. The installation of Siva idol at Aruvippuram and the starting of a Sanskrit school at Aluva by Narayana Guru are the beginnings of a social reform movement among Ezhavas. In 1916, Sree Narayana Guru set up a Sanskrit school close to the Ashramam at Aluva. The only Sanskrit school in the State at the time was at Travancore and children of lower castes were not admitted there. Guru’s institution was open to all. A small hut next to the Sanskrit school was where Guru rested and spent much of his time. The old buildings of the Sanskrit school and the hut are now part of the Sree Narayana Dharma Paripalana Higher Secondary School, Aluva. An inscription carved on the school building gives the date of construction as 1093 as per the Malayalam calendar (1918 in the modern calendar).The old Sanskrit school is linked to history in its own way. Poet Kumaran Asan is said to have stayed here and written poems sitting on that balcony. Although it is hailed as a great achievement by the Guru, British missionaries belonging to CMS and LMS had opened schools for
administration of Travancore has gained’, [16]and urged the Dewan to abolish these practices. Madras also drew a comparison with the British Malabar and stated that “The same prejudices, the same difficulties have … been completely overcome under British rule in the District of Malabar, where the caste[s] affected are much the same as in Travancore. “[17] William Lee’s assault for using public road, quite interestingly , had brought about a social revolution in Travancore. The Travancore government issued a circular in 1870 throwing open most of the public roads to all castes and communities. Law courts were also made accessible to all classes.[18]. The order throwing open public roads to all classes was not strictly followed. A CMS missionary has recorded in 1883: “In some places they (Pulayas) are not allowed on the public roads, in others they are driven from them to seek shelter in the jungle on the approach of a high caste man … They are not allowed to enter any public markets … In ordinary cases they are not allowed nearer to the cutcherry (government office) than from 40 to 100 yards.”[19] In another incident, a Syrian Christian, an Ezhava convert named Cherian, was abused in Thiruvalla by caste-Hindus for not observing the distance of pollution on the public road near a temple. When the matter was brought to the notice of the Tahsildar by the Syrian Christian priest with the plea that a converted Ezhava was not bound down by the custom of his caste, he referred the case to the Dewan, V. Krishna Rao. The Dewan then issued a directive known as “the Tiruvalla Edict,” which declared that “though an Ezhava becomes a Christian, he must never cease to be an Ezhava and therefore “Cherian and other converts must not be allowed to pass through the public highway by the temple.”[20]Although there were some disabilities and restrictions immediately after the circular there were also visible signs of mobility as years passed by. In 1897, a LMS missionary exclaimed: “Pulayans may now be seen working in or near Brahmin streets – a thing impossible a few years ago.”[21] William Lee’s assault triggered a social revolution in Travancore. In a span of five decades, the social structure of Travancore was incredibly transformed. The installation of Siva idol at Aruvippuram and the starting of a Sanskrit school at Aluva by Narayana Guru are the beginnings of a social reform movement among Ezhavas. In 1916, Sree Narayana Guru set up a Sanskrit school close to the Ashramam at Aluva. The only Sanskrit school in the State at the time was at Travancore and children of lower castes were not admitted there. Guru’s institution was open to all. A small hut next to the Sanskrit school was where Guru rested and spent much of his time. The old buildings of the Sanskrit school and the hut are now part of the Sree Narayana Dharma Paripalana Higher Secondary School, Aluva. An inscription carved on the school building gives the date of construction as 1093 as per the Malayalam calendar (1918 in the modern calendar).The old Sanskrit school is linked to history in its own way. Poet Kumaran Asan is said to have stayed here and written poems sitting on that balcony. Although it is hailed as a great achievement by the Guru, British missionaries belonging to CMS and LMS had opened schools for
Ezhavas and Pulayas as early as 1835. Rev. Mead of LMS not merely admitted lower caste students in schools but even offered cash incentives to slave boys to attend classes. Rev. Norton and Rev. Baker of CMS opened schools for lower castes in the Alappuzha - Kottayam forest belt. In this manner, the missionaries challenged under cover of education the basic evils in Travancore society. Educational opportunities given to Ezhavas and Pulayas by missionaries in their schools, forced the government to make some changes in the discriminatory laws against lower castes. [22] Thus the social atmosphere in Travancore witnessed the gradual weakening of the power of the traditional upper caste dominance. Century-old restrictions against Ezhavas and Pulayas attending schools were removed by the missionaries and these reforms virtually shook the very foundations of caste hierarchy in Travancore that the rulers of Travancore were bound to protect on the basis of varnashrama dharma.
Although Pulaya students were given admission in missionary schools as early as 1835, it was only in 1905 Ayyankali, a Pulaya social reformer, made an attempt to open a school for Pulayas in 1905 at Venganoor. Even that school was destroyed by caste Hindus. But the social changes that emanated in Travancore after Lee’s bold attempt to cross a Brahmin street, emboldened Ayyankali ride his bullock cart into the market in open defiance of caste rules . He was bold enough to wave his sharp knife when upper caste men tried to stop him because there was an atmosphere of social and political awakening among the backward castes and the upper castes were afraid of their numerical strength.
Although Pulaya students were given admission in missionary schools as early as 1835, it was only in 1905 Ayyankali, a Pulaya social reformer, made an attempt to open a school for Pulayas in 1905 at Venganoor. Even that school was destroyed by caste Hindus. But the social changes that emanated in Travancore after Lee’s bold attempt to cross a Brahmin street, emboldened Ayyankali ride his bullock cart into the market in open defiance of caste rules . He was bold enough to wave his sharp knife when upper caste men tried to stop him because there was an atmosphere of social and political awakening among the backward castes and the upper castes were afraid of their numerical strength.
Modernization in Travancore was a slow and tortuous process because Travancore monarchy was conservative, feudal and oppressive. Historically, the span of time over which modernization has occurred must be measured in centuries, although there are examples of accelerated modernization when education was thrown open to lower castes by the missionaries in their private schools. Lee’s episode, although assailants were not punished, caused a mild storm in Travancore society which gradually led to the removal of stagnancy in social conditions and the emergence of new trends in political and cultural fields. As part of that process, “traditional” mentalities were forced to be aligned with the progressive demands of “rationality” and “toleration” that accompanied the development programmes of the missionaries and British administration. Travancore witnessed the efforts of the missionaries to “train” members of “less developed” societies or groups in “modern” ways of behaviour and thinking, like children in school. Untouchable students were allowed to sit on the same bench along with higher caste students. Pollution such as sight, touch, colour etc., was not allowed on campuses. Girls were taught to dress properly by making them cover their breasts. The assault of Lee and the intervention of Madras government emboldened missionaries to attack fossilized social customs. The road through Panjalingapuram Brahmin village was thrown open to all castes. Brahmins of that village who could block the passage with the tacit approval of Travancore government were now afraid of the numerical strength of other castes who got the protection of the police because of the changed political situation. To show their gratitude to William Lee who was subjected to cruel beating by the Brahmins, a village near Panjalingapuram was named after him --Leepuram. Social structures and behaviour patterns of upper castes had become so rigid that they were initially reluctant to adapt to changing social conditions. Robin Jeffry quotes:” … a Nair can approach but not touch a Namboodiri Brahmin: a Chovan [Ezhava] must remain thirty-six paces off, and a Pulayan slave ninety-six steps distant. A Chovan must remain twelve steps away from a Nair, and a Pulayan sixty-six steps off, and a Parayan some distance farther still. A Syrian Christian may touch a Nair (though this is not allowed in some parts of the country) but the latter may not eat with each other. Pulayans and Parayars,who are the lowest of all, can approach but not touch, much less may they eat with each other." (The Decline of Nayar Dominance, Society and Politics in Travancore 1847 - 1908) But the presence of the British Resident in Trivandrum and the numerical strength of the oppressed castes forced the minority upper castes yield to the creative process of social and cultural evolution. Long before Narayana Guru and Ayyankali appeared on the social field, missionaries worked hard to liberate Ezhavas and Pulayas. A German missionary, Ringletaube established schools in Nagercoil and nearby areas in the period between 1806 and 1816.Rev. Mead of the London Mission Society (LMS) is known for his work in the field of education in Travancore during the period 1817–1873. Narayana Guru came to prominence only in 1888 when he erected a Shiva temple. Ayyankali became famous only in 1856 when he had the courage to ride in a bullock cart defying caste strictures. Missionary efforts and various laws passed by British administration created a social atmosphere for caste leaders to fight for the liberation of their castes. Bailey, Baker and Fenn belonged to the Christian Missionary Society (C.M.S) which was active in Kottayam between 1813 and 1930. They set up a Grammar School at Kottayam and School for girls at Alapuzha during this period. Dawson set up an English School at Mattancherry in 1818. In the Malabar area, the Basel German Evangelical Mission started a primary school in Kallayi at Kozhikode in 1848 and an English school in Thalassery in 1856. Dr. Hermann Gundert ( 1814 –1893) the German Basel Evangelical missionary, is well known for the compilation of Malayalam grammar book. In the caste ridden Kerala society where Ezhavas and Pulayas were not given social mobility, these schools which admitted Ezhavas and Pulayas made caste Hindus to sit on the same bench with these untouchable castes. This transformed social landscape in Kerala gave an atmosphere of freedom to social reformers like Narayana Guru and Ayyankali to work for the welfare of their own communities which would not have been possible a century earlier.
Dr.A.Yeshuratnam
[1] Rao, M.S.A., Social
Movements and Social Transformation, Delhi, pp.24-27
Movements and Social Transformation, Delhi, pp.24-27
[2] George Matthan, Journal, 31
Dec.1850 CIO/161/21, CMS Archives.
Dec.1850 CIO/161/21, CMS Archives.
[3] Wolpert, Stanley, An
Introduction to India, Viking, California, 1991, p.130
Introduction to India, Viking, California, 1991, p.130
[4] The Hindu, July 22, 2009
[5] Madava Row to Resident, 5
Nov.1868. Madras Political Proceedings, oioc.
Nov.1868. Madras Political Proceedings, oioc.
[6] Mateer, Samuel, The
Land of Charity, A Descriptive Account of Travancore and its People, John
Snow & Co., London. 1871, p.305.
Land of Charity, A Descriptive Account of Travancore and its People, John
Snow & Co., London. 1871, p.305.
[7] This lad, Abraham, later on became a social activist and was popularly known as Abraham Kandakku of
Leepuram.
Leepuram.
[8] H.Newill to Chief
Secretary., 22 Dec.1868. No.80 MPP, OIOC
Secretary., 22 Dec.1868. No.80 MPP, OIOC
[9] Madava Row to Resident,
5Nov.1868, MPP, OIOC
5Nov.1868, MPP, OIOC
[10] ibid
[11] G.O. No.284, 11Sep.1869,
MPP,OIOC.
MPP,OIOC.
[12] Ibid.
[13] ibid
[14] G.O.No. 143, 23April, 1870,
MPP, GIOC
MPP, GIOC
[15] Ballard to Acting Chief
Secretary, 9 Mar.1870, MPP, 23April 1870, OIOC.
Secretary, 9 Mar.1870, MPP, 23April 1870, OIOC.
[16] G.O.No.143 op.cited.
[17] Ibid.
[18] Dewan to Judges, 7
Apr.1870, in G.O. 158
Apr.1870, in G.O. 158
[19] The Pulayas in
Travancore, Church Missionary Intelligencer, April 1883,
pp.218-9.
Travancore, Church Missionary Intelligencer, April 1883,
pp.218-9.
[20] Sadasivan,S.N., A
Social History of India,APH Publishing House, New Delhi, 2000,p.442
Social History of India,APH Publishing House, New Delhi, 2000,p.442
[21] Trivandrum City Mission,
1897, TR, Box 7, Council for World Missions Archives.
1897, TR, Box 7, Council for World Missions Archives.
[22] Jeffrey,R., The
Decline of Nayar Dominance: Society and Politics in Travancore 1897-1908.University
Press, Sussex, 1976,p.376
Decline of Nayar Dominance: Society and Politics in Travancore 1897-1908.University
Press, Sussex, 1976,p.376
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