BRITISH EAST INDIA COMPANY AND THE PRINCIPAL RAJAS OF MALABAR

 

               THE EAST INDIA COMPANY AND THE PRINCIPAL RAJAS OF MALABAR

                                                          (1708 – 1808)

                                                            PREFACE

     

This dissertation examines the ways in which the British sought to justify, and thus   legitimate, their rule over Malabar. The material contained in this study is mainly drawn from the documents kept in the Madras Records Office and Bombay Records Office. Madras Records Office, now known as the Tamil Nadu Archives, has a wealth of historical and government documents, preserved carefully over centuries.  I have garnered materials from the following primary sources preserved in the Madras Records Office: - The Tellicherry Factory Records – a manuscript collection – shed light on the early activities of the British, The District Records deal with the later periods of foreign intervention, the transactions of the British with the later native rulers and their commercial activities. Further sources which helped me in preparing this thesis are the Surat Factory Records (useful for the sixteenth century history of Malabar), the Bombay Secret and Political Diary and the Poona Residency Correspondence (helpful for a detailed study of the major policy decisions and administrative measures of the British, especially during the Mysorean Wars). Bombay Records Office (now The Maharashtra State Archives) contains several thousands of files relating to the expansion, wars, treaties and governance of British colonial rule in the Bombay Presidency. The documents date right back to the seventeenth century and the earliest phase of English East India Company rule in Bombay.   Surat Factory was the first factory of the British established in 1613. I have to depend mainly on  William Foster’s scholarly work, The English Factories in India 1618 – 1669,  for the primary sources that he has painstakingly  collected from the India Office Collections—particularly the Original Correspondence series, the Sural Faclory Records, and the Marine Records.  Several original manuscripts of interest and importance relating to the Pazhassi Rebellion are available in the State Archives, Madras. The Proceedings of the Board of Revenue, Special Reports and Consultations of the Madras Council, viz., the Military Consultations, Revenue Consultations, Political Consultations and Secret Consultations constitute the original sources and they  constitute a mine of information for the preparation of this thesis.

The present paper is of great importance to the study of Kerala History, for the history of the period is not limited to Malabar alone but extends to other areas in India and finally merges with the colonial and commercial history of Europe. The absence of reliable historical records prior to the coming of the Europeans makes the task of constructing the political history of Malabar very difficult. There was in Malabar an ancient custom of keeping accounts granthavaries (chronicles) in temples and palaces. But most of the records remain unpublished. There were also palm leaf records that failed to withstand the ravages of time, and even the available records are uncollected.

The credit goes to William Logan for compiling a comprehensive history of Malabar by laboriously culling facts from all the available sources, including legends and ballads. His impressive work is a valuable material for the history of nineteenth century Malabar. Besides this, there are also good documentary collections, interesting memoirs, and scholarly secondary works devoted to individual phases or episodes in Kerala History. But there has been as yet no comprehensive work dealing  with the history of the relations of the British with the Malabar Rajas – from the foundation of the Tellicherry Factory down to the death of the Pazhassi Raja – and it is with a view to filling this gap that I have prepared this paper.

It is a privilege for me to work under Dr. T.K. Ravindran, Professor and Head of the Department of History, Kerala University, who, from the beginning of the undertaking has been unsparing in his advice and suggestions. In spite of his pressing engagements – he went through the manuscript of the original draft and gave me valuable counsel and criticism at every stage of the work. I am greatly indebted to him for his remarks and comments. I am immensely thankful to the Directors of Madras Record Office (now The Tamilnadu Archives) and Bombay Record Office (now The Maharashtra State Archives) for allowing me to explore handwritten records, diarties, files and other documents preserved in the archives. My stay in Madras (Chennai) and Bombay (Mumbai) was made fruitful by the generous gesture of these Directors who placed at my disposal primary sources which helped me quite a lot to give a new dimension to Malabar history.

I would very much like to thank my wife, Dawny, for her forbearance, patience and wholeheartedness in typing the entire thesis. In those days when computer was not available, it was very awful to use manual typewriter - without backspace button a word could not be deleted, a mistake was to start the page all over again. I am thankful to her for the meticulous care she took to finish the work. I am also greatly indebted to my daughter, Dr. Anita Saul, who retyped all the pages of the thesis on computer for the publication of this thesis.

 Calicut

1977                                                                                                                          A. Yeshuratnam.

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INTRODUCTION

     Malabar is an eminent name for the entire Kerala and, according to some writers, the word ‘Malabar’ is a combination of Mali, derived from the Malayalam word Mala ( hill, mountain) and bar, probably the Persian word bar (country), which literally means “the hill country.” The Arab geographer Yaqut (1179- 1229) was perhaps the first to give the name ‘Malabar’ and ‘Ma’bar.’ ^[1] According to Logan the term ‘Malabar’ is not indigenous but semi-foreign.[2] This view probably may be correct because the Arabs were familiar with Zanzibar which was a prosperous trading port, and ‘bar’ would have been added to ‘mala’ to denote the hilly region.  In the medieval Tamil works the country was know as Malanadu and Malavaram, which means hilly or mountainous country, and Malabar could well be a corruption of these two names. But during the British period the name was used only for the district (10⁰ to 12⁰ 30’ north), and not for the entire Kerala. But the Dutch had a different view. Galletti says: “The name " Malabar " is now sometimes by usage proceeding from ignorance confined to the British district of Malabar, the native states of Travancore and Cochin being assumed to be " Travancore " and " Cochin " and not " Malabar ", I use " Malabar " of the country of the Malayalam nation; which was, at the time these Dutchmen wrote, all parcelled out into “Native States, " what is now the British district of Malabar not being considered then by any one exclusively or peculiarly Malabar.”[3]

Malabar had contacts with foreign countries from time immemorial. From the west came the Assyrians, Babylonians, Phoenicians, Jews, and Romans. Arabs and East Africans, while from the east came Chinese and others from Southeast Asia. In the Old Testament there are references to cinnamon and cassia, and very probably they were sent from Malabar.[4] The timber used in Solomon’s Temple was, it is supposed, sent from Malabar; so also “the pillars of the Kaaba are teak.” [5]  Cinnamon used in Jewish worship and timber used for the construction of Jerusalem Temple are cited by some authors to claim Solomon’s ships came to Malabar to purchase these articles. But records indicate that Egypt imported the spice as early as 2,000 BC. Indonesian traders brought the spice to East Africa, and from there, it was taken to Egypt.  In this context it appears that either Solomon’s ships would have gone to Egypt to buy cinnamon or Egyptian traders would have dispersed cinnamon to Jerusalem.  The Greeks and Romans had extensive trade with Malabar, and Pliny complained of the impending ruin of Rome through the drain of currency to Malabar in order to satisfy the Roman demand for luxuries.[6] The Chinese traders had a settlement in Calicut and it was called Chinnakotta.[7]

Though there were about 40 princes in north Kerala, the Kolathiris and the Zamorins were the pre-eminent rulers. [8] The Zamorin, after subjugating his neighbours, assumed leadership and became the most powerful ruler on the Malabar Coast. There were several causes for the rise of the Zamorin. His kingdom somehow or other escaped the attention of the powerful rulers of the North and he was privileged to rule in a placid atmosphere. The location of his capital attracted traders from foreign countries especially the Arabs. With the help of the Arabs, the Zamorin, whose chief source of income was customs duty, became wealthy and powerful. The Zamorin became militarily strong because the Arabs supplied him with horses and served as soldiers in his army.

The Arabs were also very much impressed by the frankness and sincerity of the Zamorin. When Ibn Batuta visited Malabar, he found the countryside perfectly safe for travel and was, more important, struck by the honesty of the Zamorin. He found that it was only at Calicut wrecked ships were returned to their owners instead of being confiscated. Abd-al-Rassaq (1442), a special envoy sent to Calicut by the Persian king, noticed “such security of justice” at Calicut that large bundles of goods off-loaded from the ships could be left on the streets for a long period without guard and without threat or theft. [9]

The Zamorin’s great interest in overseas trade made Calicut a major sea port on the Malabar Coast. Pero de Covilham, a Portuguese ambassador in Ethiopia, disguised himself as a Muslim reached Malabar in an Arab dhow in 1489. Speaking about Covilham’s impressions, Bishop Mathews states “He saw, moreover, Calicut, strange gorgeous city of thatched houses and half naked men, of cocoa palms besides the beach, of gold and jewels, of elephants and pepper. Especially pepper: Pepper may not mean much to us, but in that age, it ranked with precious stones. Men risked the perils of the deep and fought and died for pepper.” [10] Shane Winsor writes in BBC History Column: “To complement the sea voyages of Diaz, the Portuguese monarch King John II also sent Pedro da Covilha, a fluent Arabic speaker, out on a dangerous overland journey to India. Disguised as an Arab, Covilha gathered vital information on the ports of the east African and Indian coasts during his three-year journey.”[11] 

Tradition divides the whole coast from Gokarnam to Kanyakumari into 17 Nads (provinces), but at the time of Hyder’s invasion of Malabar in 1765, there were, it appears, 29 Nads in Malabar proper, exclusive of Cochin and Travancore. The Principal Rajas of Malabar were the Kolathiri and the Zamorin of Calicut, and the subordinate rulers were the Rajas of Kotttayam, Kadathanad, Kurumbranad, Beypore or North Parapanad, South Parapanad, Walluvanad (Vellatri), Palghat, Betunad and Chavakad (Poonatur). Some of these subordinate Rajas were simply Naduvazhis (local chieftains) ruling over small tracts but acknowledged the suzerainty of the Kolathiri or the Zamorin. According to Duarte Barbosa, the kings of Kerala were only three, to wit, the Samudri whom they called Malyconadary, and he of Coulam (Quilon) whom they called Benetacy (Venattadikal), and he of Cannanore whom they called Cobertorim (Kolattiri). Besides, there were many great lords who wished to be called kings, which they were not, for they neither coined money nor built houses with roof and tiles.”[12]

The constant strife among the ruling families, the shrinking and expanding of disputed boundaries which were purely artificial and a poor governmental system were some of the marked features of the period. When Vasco da Gama reached Malabar, the country was split up into petty principalities over which even the Zamorin had any real authority. The Portuguese openly interfered in the internal affairs of the Zamorin by asking him to expel all the Arabs from Calicut. The Zamorin refused to comply with the request of Da Gama by stating that it was impossible to send them out of Calicut since there were “ more than 4,000 of them who lived in the city not like foreigners, but as natives, and from whom his kingdom received much profit,”[13]

Francis Drake captured in December 1587 the San Felipe, a spice-laden Portuguese vessel carrying cargo worth £ 108,049. [14]  San Felipe was the greatest ship in all Portugal, richly laden with spice, china, silk, and chests of gold and jewels and its prize was valued at nearly a million pounds; and, besides, she carried secret papers of great value concerning the East India trade. This daring feat inaugurated the era of “pepper politics” in India. The capture of the San Felipe not only showed the fabulous profits of the eastern trade but also marked the end of the Iberian control of the seas. A new series of events now confronted the people of Malabar. Other European powers appeared on the scene, and Malabar became the cockpit of European conflict.

In 1600 Queen Elizabeth incorporated the East India Company granting it a monopoly to trade from the Cape of Good Hope eastward to the Strait of Magellan. In 1604 a Dutch fleet under Steven Van Der Hagen appeared off Calicut and concluded a treaty with the Zamorin aimed at driving the Portuguese out of Malabar. In 1664 the French East India Company was formed and, despite opposition from the Dutch and English on the scene, the French succeeded in 1674 in establishing a settlement at Pondicherry on the southeast coast of India. The next few years were to see a sharp struggle between the French and English in Malabar. Then followed a succession of sweeping events – the invasions of Malabar by Hyder Ali and his son Tipu, in the 18^th century, and the final cession of Malabar possessions to the English in 1792.

The history of the period is in many ways a fascinating one. It witnessed the passing and disintegration of many of the outstanding features of the old order. Much of the material discussed in the paper has to deal with battles, alliances, and dynastic struggles. The cavalier manner in which the Malabar Rajas broke treaties and deserted alliances, the devastating invasions of the Mysoreans, the Political Settlement of the British, the decline of the Nayar power and the Pazhassi Rebellion – all these events show that it was a  complicated period. And yet, I have tried my best to make each chapter self-contained, even at the risk of some repetition.

 

 

 

 

CHAPTER I

THE EAST INDIA COMPANY AND THE KOLATHIRI

 

 

The origin of the Kolathiris is shrouded in obscurity. According to some scholars that in the Sangam Age the Kolathunad area was ruled by a dynasty of kings with their capital at Mount Eli or Ezhimala. It is also claimed that, according to the Tirunelli inscriptions of Bhaskar Ravi Varma, the Wayanad – Tellicherry area of North Malabar was under the Kulasekharas. It is further claimed that in the 14^th century the old Mushaka country was known as Kolathunad and a new line of rulers called the Kolathiris (the English called them Colastri) came to power. These traditional accounts preserved in the Kerala Mahatmyam and the Keralolpatti connect the Kolathiris with the Parasurama and the Cheraman Perumals (ancient kings of Kerala). But this view has no historical basis. The general belief among historians is that the Kolathiris were the descendants of the old Mushaka kings.  Keralolpathi mentions this dynasty as a direct line of the Cheras tracing its origin to Cheraman Perumal. Like Ilayidathu Swaroopam , Kolathiri kingdom was also known as Kolaswaroopam. Some writers imagine that the Kolathiri dynasty came into existence in the power vacuum caused by the evaporation of the Kulasekharas or Perumal rulers of Mahodayapuram. Any reference to Perumals is mere mythology and there are weaknesses or errors in our understanding of traditional Kerala chronology and it is good to leave our minds open to accept alternative to traditional chronology which has become a subject of conflicting interpretations by historians. According to other legends, Parasurama is said to have appointed Ramaghata Mushika as the first king of Mushika dynasty. Unlike many legends whose origins have been lost in the mists of time, we know exactly when and where the story of Parasurama first appeared. This story to boost Brahmin tradition is taken from an 18^th-century compilation, the Kerlolpatti, and this legendary saga produced after several centuries may not give the actual political and historical conditions of that period. Due to the sparsity of sources throughout the ancient and medieval period of Kerala, the history of the mythological Perumals down to the end of the rule of Rama Kulasekhara (1102 or 1124) is a "floating chronology". In other words, it fits together internally as a "relative chronology" but not as an "absolute chronology””. Chronological factors in ancient Kerala, therefore, should not be expected to conform exactly to modern systems whereby all events are mathematically dated in relation to one fixed point in the past, such as the start of the Common Era.  Richard Bradley argues that studies of oral history reveal that cultures do not tend to remember events over much more than two generations and those memories “become increasingly inaccurate until they are so corrupt that they can hardly be distinguished from myths.”[15] The compilers of Keralopatti had only fanciful ideas of the events that happened in the past and it is not so much an accurate chronological history.  So the in-depth research on inscriptions and epigraphy made by Elamkulam Kunjan Pillai and M.G.S. Narayanan to reconstruct the long period from the genesis of the Chera kingdom may not be ‘absolute chronology’.[16]  Claims on the basis of inscriptions and epigraphy are problematic because inscriptions are not always found in the exact location and the narration on inscriptions may not be correct because court scribes and poets were always in the habit of giving exaggerated accounts in their bid to please the sovereign. Inscriptions engraved on temple walls and palace pillars show grants of money, cows, land, state revenue from taxes made to temples for conducting daily worship and festivals. Most inscriptions are not essentially historical documents but rather an overblown account of charity made by rulers or an excessive laudation of kings. The belief  that the Perumals (Kshatryas from over the mountains) chosen for a period of twelve years was a figment of imagination of the compliers of Keralolpatti, although some current Kerala  historians give credence to this myth while computing the ruling period of Chera rulers. This narrative by the authors of Keralolpatti was a fabrication to establish a primal Brahmin claim to the land of Kerala. It is generally accepted that oral tradition is unreliable as chronological history. The fallacy of this traditon can be proved from the fact that none of the Kerala kings surrendered their kingship after tweleve years rule during the historical period which begins with the coming of the Portuguese chroniclers. As a matter of fact they were zealous to remain in power and for this purpose they even sought the help of colonial powers.  In my view, Rajas such as the Zamorin, Kolathiri, Kadathanad, Kottayam etc., who ruled over wide-ranging principalities claiming Chera bloodline, were not actually Rajas of royal blood, but powerful warriors who occupied large blocks of territory by force of arms and flaunted the title ‘Rajas’ after establishing their authority over the disintegrated remnants of Chera kingdom. As Hamilton says: “Malabar was probably conquered at a very early era by some king from above the Ghauts, who established the priests and pagodas, and governed the province by a theocracy of Brahmins, which for their own convenience established the Nairs, in the same manner as the Velmah Dhorahs were introduced into Northern Circars. In process of time the Nairs appropriated the title of Rajahs, and continued to govern Malabar as deputies of gods who occupied the pagodas, until Hyder’s invasion in 1700, prior to which event there is no proof that any land tax was levied in Malabar.[17] After the collapse of the dynastic imperial rule of the Chera, Chola and Pandya, successor regimes came into existence in Malabar and other areas in south India as ‘successor states’ emerged after the fall of the Mughals. The historiography of political change in south India has been dominated by the transition of Chera-Chola-Pandya provinces into successor regimes or by the carving out of new domains by warlords and landlords. Bayly, whose analyses of them in northern India describes them as ‘a range of intermediate entities’ who were situated between revenue-based state and mass agrarian society’.[18] ‘Regional gentry’ is a term sometimes applied to them.[19] Malabar Rajas such as the Zamorin, Kolathiri and others of their breed controlled vast areas of territory and people in their respective regions after the collapse of the imperial administrative system of the Cheras and appropriated for themselves the status of Rajas. Although regional Nair warlords arrogated to themselves the status of Rajas, they sought legitimacy for their position by making Brahmin priests to anoint them at coronation. New rulers, assuming the kingly role with caste superiority (Kochi Raja and to some extent Travancore Raja claiming Kshatriya lineage, although they were not accorded the status of Kshatriyas by the Brahmins in the Brahmanical varna system.) extended their patronage to Brahmins and temples. Through such acts of patronage rulers identified themselves with local religious, cultural and social traditions to be respected and regarded as Rajas.

 The earliest references, however, to the Kingdom of the Kolathiris in the modern period are found in the Travels of Marco Polo. Though Marco Polo does not refer to the Kolathiri by name, all evidences point to the fact that the Kingdom of Eli mentioned by him is the kingdom of the Kolathiris. [20]  At the time of the arrival of the Portuguese the Kolathiris territory extended from the Netravati River to Korappuzha in the south. [21]

East India Company Office, London

When the English came to Malabar, they wanted to find out a strategic place to carry on their trade. The Zamorin of Calicut entertained the English with a view to getting their help against the Portuguese who were supporting his traditional rival, the Raja of Cochin. But the English were not at all interested in taking an active interest in Malabar politics. Although some English factors had already settled down at Ponnani and Calicut, there was not much progress in their trade. [22] The Zamorin did not even permit them to tile the factory to protect it against fire. [23] It was in these circumstances that they sought the help of the Kolathiri to build a factory at Tellicherry.

The Kolathiri family at that time was infested with dissension and rivalry to such an extent that there were “three princes of the blood royal who conspired to cut him” (the reigning Prince Unnitiri). [24] The Kolathiri house itself had broken up, and the executive power was in theory sub-divided among the five oldest male members who were called, respectively, in the order of seniority: - 1. The Kolathiri, 2. The Thekkilamkur, 3. The Vadakkilamkur, 4. The Nalamkur, and 5. The Anjamkur. The Kolathiri himself probably retained “the immediate executive charge of only the middle portion of his dominions.” [25] Padmanabha Menon says that the term “Kolathiri” was used by the Europeans “to denote the Kolathiri or Chirakkal Rajas, who ruled over North Malabar.”[26] Alexander Hamilton gives a graphic account of the dissension and vengeful acts in the Kolathiri family. ,“About the year 1680, there were three princes of the blood royal who conspired to cut him (the reigning Prince Unnithiri) and his family off, to possess themselves of the Government of Callistree (Kolattiri); but being detected, they were beheaded on altars built of stone. About two miles from Cannanore, the altars were standing, when I was there. They were only square piles of hewn stone, almost three yards high and four yards each side.”[27]

It was the Vadakkilamkur (Northern Regent) of the Kolathiri family who permitted the English Company to settle at Tellicherry.[28] There are conflicting views about the exact date of the establishment of the Tellicherry factory. Logan says: “As to when the factory was established it ascertain that this event happened some time before the 24^th October 1699, the first date in the “ General Letter Book” of the factory extent on the 6^th May 1726 as mentioned in the factory diary of this latter date. The Company had probably had a trading post at Tellicherry for some years previously, and it is certain that at the union between the Companies in 1702 Tellicherry is mentioned along with Karwar, Calicut and Anjengo as among the affiliated factories of Bombay,[29] But Sir George Birdwood says that the English had established a factory at Tellicherry as early as A. D. 1683. [30] William Kesting came to Calicut as early as 1615, and there were also subsequent expeditions by the English. Therefore, the date given by Birdwood, vis., 1683, may perhaps be correct.

The proximity of Tellicherry to the finest pepper and cardamom lands in Malabar helped the English to improve their trade prospects. It was ‘Pepper politics’ that guided the action and policy of the British in this part of the country, and it dragged them in later years into political confrontation with other colonial powers. It was also very easy for the English to deal with the French from Tellicherry, for Mayyazhi (Mahe) was the only stronghold of the French in Malabar. As Logan observes: “Tellicherry lies close to the fine pepper producing countries of Kottayam and Randattaram and the finest cardamoms in the world are produced in the country lying at the head of the Periah Pass into Wined, to which Tellicherry is the nearest point on the coast.”[31] But for defensive purposes the selection of Tellicherry could not be considered wise. The English would have fared better if they had selected Dharmapattanam Island, for it was strategically located with all the advantages for defence and trade. In fact, there were attempts to secure the island. But the island “was at this time in dispute among the country powers, and when the chance did occur of acquiring it the expense of moving the garrison and warehouses to the island was so heavy that, although the removal was sanctioned, it was never actually carried out.”[32] On examining the records it becomes quite clear that Robert Adams, the English Chief, played a key role in getting the permission for building the Tellicherry factory. The Prince Regent in a letter sent to the factory in 1728, after Adams had left the service of the Company, makes a reference to Adams’ role in getting Tellicherry fort.[33] The early factors who came to Malabar had to face many difficulties in the initial stage. But they were prudent enough to study carefully the political situation in Malabar before they started their commercial activities. Adams had so much influence over the Zamorin that his enemies held him responsible for the wars with the Dutch. [34]

The political situation in Malabar was highly advantageous for the company since there was no unity among the Rajas. The dissension which broke out from time to time in the Kolathiri family was due to, according to Innes, the practice of Marumakkathayam (matrilineal) system of inheritance. The disintegration was due to “… the working of marumakkathayam law of inheritance through the sister’s son, and the natural impulse of successive Kolathiris to make provision for their own children out of the family estates at the expense of their legal heirs.”[35] But this cannot be taken as a valid cause, for marumakkathayam was a common practice among Kerala kings and this had not prevented a king like Martanda Verma of Travancore from becoming the most powerful king of Kerala. The disintegration of the Kolathiri family may be attributed to the frequent feudal wars fought among the members of the family like the Wars of the Roses in England, which not only exhausted the treasury but led to the disappearance of several militant and powerful princes of the same family. Another important feature in the family is that even though there was hereditary succession, the ablest and strongest member of the family could easily seize power and proclaim himself as the ruler. This factor in Malabar politics must be borne in mind for the simple reason that even the treaties and other agreements entered into by one prince could easily be set aside by another. Even the grant of the Tellicherry factory site was obtained by the English not from the Kolathiri himself who was the de jure ruler, but from the Vadakkilamkur (Northern Reagent). In the agreement the Vadakkilamkur stated, “The fort of Tellicherry has been built at the request and entreaties made by me as a friend. To acknowledge the love and friendships which the Company bears towards me and my palace, I give and make over the said fort with its limits to the Honorable Company, where no person shall demand, collect and plant. Our custom house will be obliged to give us what has been settled.” [36]

Since the Vadakkilamkur gave permission to build a fort at Tellicherry, the other members of the royal family gave trouble to the English. There existed a state of warfare and at one stage, on May 1714, it was besieged by the local Nayar chiefs. The factors made frantic appeals to Bombay and Madras. The President and the Council at Bombay could not send any help. But Madras came to the help of the factors and on October 1714 some men and ammunition were sent in a country-ship. [37]

Another prince of the Udayamangalam branch of the Kolathiri family had also caused trouble to the English at Tellicherry. It is recorded in the diary that the Prince and another Nayar chieftain, the Kurangoth Nayar, entered the English warehouse at Tellicherry and committed “certain irregularities.” The matter was duly brought to the notice of the Vadakkilamkur Prince and the English requested him to permit them to fortify the factory to avoid such events in future. The Prince gave them permission to fortify and, to please the English, he himself laid the foundation stone. The English took a house that belonged to one Ponattil Poduval and a hill (Tiruvallappau Kunnu) from Vallura Tangal, and also bought up a street of weavers, and on these sites they built the fort and fort house.[38]

It may be pertinent to find out the real cause that provoked the Kurungoth Nayar to enter the Company’s warehouse. After getting the permission from the Vadakkilamkur of Kolathiri to build a factory at Tellicherry (bypassing the de- jure ruler, the Kolathiri) the English attempted to take away the port royalties that were due to the Kurangoth Nayar. It was this deliberate act that made him enter the warehouse and “commit certain irregularities”. Hamilton, who was in Malabar at that time, gives the following cause for the war: “The occasion of the War, as I was informed, began about a trifle. The Nayar, that was the Lord of the Manor, had a Royalty, for every vessel that unladed at Tellicherry paid two Bales of Rice due to him. There was another Royalty of every tenth Fish that came to the Market there, and both together did not amount to £20 Sterling per annum. The Chief either appropriated these Royalties to his own, or the Company’s use, and the Nayar complained of the Injustice but had no Redress. These little duties were the best part of the poor Nayar’s subsistence which made it the harder to bear, so his friends advised him to repel force by force, and disturb the Factory what he could, which he accordingly did ( by the secret assistance of his Friends) for above twenty years. The Company are the best judges whether the War is likely to bring any profit to their affairs there or no.”[39] Logan does not believe this account of Hamilton and argues: “It is extremely improbable, it may be remarked, that the Company’s officers, who had been careful to buy up the weavers’ and others’ houses and lands before beginning to erect their fort, would have refused to pay the petty dues Hamilton writes about …”[40] However, it is clear that the English had deliberately provoked the Kurungoth Nayar. They must have done so for two obvious reasons. First, they wanted to have complete control over the Tellicherry fort area by having strict supervision over every vessel that passed that way. This would not only make them masters of the area but would bring them additional revenue in the form of duties and royalties for the unladed articles. Secondly, the English knew well that there was a bitter feud among the members of the Kolathiri family. This would have encouraged them to challenge the Kurangoth Nayar. If they were successful in the confrontation, they could make Tellicherry as the nucleus for their commercial activities in Malabar.

After provoking the Kurangoth Nayar, the English deliberately attacked the Mailun hill on the outskirts of Tellicherry and took it. The Nayar had fortified the hill for self defence and protection. Even the fortification of his own territory was not liked by the English, for they thought that he had fortified the hill “with a view to giving trouble to the factory.” Taking advantage of the internal dissension in the Kolathiri family, they went to the extent of capturing the hill owned by the Nayar, and finally succeeded in subduing him. [41] The Nayar signed an agreement with the Company on September 29, 1719 and promised “to remit the duty on pepper which you may buy at Punole and ship in any vessel, and not to sell pepper to any one (else). “ [42] He also surrendered the Mailun hill to the English and permitted them to build a warehouse there.

This agreement is a significant victory for the English; it shows that they had become masters over the Tellicherry area. And this happened, more important, long before the First Carnatic War and the Battle of Plassey. It was this victory though minor, that enabled the English to play a major role in Malabar politics. And it was at Tellicherry that the foundation for the future supremacy of the English was laid. Innes has observed that the English “living like ordinary merchants” at Ponani and Calicut “with no other protection than that of the Zamorin” were responsible for laying “the foundation of their future influence,” [43]But this view does not seem to be wholly correct, In Calicut they could not make much progress in their trade. [44] The Zamorin gave only lukewarm support to their commercial pursuits. But the Vadakkilamkur was friendly with the English, and gave away trade privileges. And again, their victory over the Kurangoth Nayar gave them the necessary courage and confidence to use Tellicherry as a base for expanding their activities in Malabar. It was at Tellicherry, therefore, that the foundation for the British supremacy in Malabar was laid, and not at Ponani and Calicut, as claimed by Innes.

A change in the policy of the Company is also discernible during this period. The Directors felt that the Dutch would deprive the English of the pepper trade on the Malabar Coast and, therefore, they gave instructions to the authorities at Surat to resort to forcible reprisals, if necessary, even at the risk of a war.[45] The Directors wrote “ … if the Dutch resolve to pursue their long laid design of engrossing all the pepper trade of India by arms which our duty to our king and country obligeth us to prevent to the utmost of our power.”[46] The English in Malabar now came to the realization that they could have a flourishing pepper trade only by having territorial sovereignty, then they understood that weakness of a Nayar chieftain like the Kurangoth Nayar and also the schism in the Kolathiri family, which prompted them  to extract more concessions and privileges. The Kurangoth Nayar was subdued and he was compelled to grant more trade connections. He agreed to give complete monopoly over pepper at Punhole and other places that belonged to him.[47]       He also agreed not to collect any duty for the pepper the Company bought from his territory.[48]  A strategic hill that belonged to him was also given to the English, and he declared in the agreement: I give and make over the Ramen hill to the Honourable Company.”           [49]

Having tasted the victory over the Kurangoth Nayar, the British began to participate actively in the politics of the country. During the reign of Udayavarma (Prince Regent), the relationship with Ali Raja of Cannanore was very much strained and there were frequent quarrels. There was even an attempt on the life of the Prince by Ali Raja’s men. [50] The English at Tellicherry decided to support the prince. But the Bombay Council repeatedly advised Tellicherry not to give loans to the Prince since he had not cleared the earlier dues. They were also doubtful about his sincerity. But Tellicherry factors wrote back that it would be advantageous for the Company if the Prince remained their ally. They pointed out that they were “receiving many instances of his sincerity” towards the Company. They cautioned the Bombay Council that “should he once withdraw his friendship, the quiet of this settlement is at an end.”[51] Since the Prince failed to get active and timely assistance from the English during the period of his troubles, he thought of getting it from others. But the English attempted to bring about a compromise between him and the Ali Raja. The Prince, however, did not show any eagerness to come to terms with the Ali Raja. He wanted to maintain his status and remarked that the Moors “were the most infamous and abject of all his vassals.” The Prince informed the English that – since the Ali Raja was being helped by the Siddis (Muslim pirates on the Konkan coast) and foreigners – he would be also forced to seek help from them.[52] The Prince was toying with the idea of entering into an agreement with the Dutch. The English wanted to avoid Dutch interference, and therefore they decided to support the Prince. But the Prince in the meantime attacked Cannanore and caused considerable loss to the Mappillas residing in the bazaar area. But he was not successful in his attempt to capture the fort.[53]        The Siddis came to the aid of the Mappilas, and with their help Valarpattanam was attacked. The Prince was rather alarmed at this new development and approached the English twice with a view to getting their support to tide over the crises.[54] With the naval and military support given by the English, he easily defeated the Siddis and forced the Mappilas to surrender.[55]                    

The Canara Invasion

While the Prince Regent was carrying on a long struggle with the Mappillas of Cannanore, another danger loomed large in the horizon – the invasion of the Canarese.The Canarese or Bednur Rajas were the chiefs who created a kingdom for themselves on the breaking up of the Vijayanagar dynasty after the battle of Talikota in 1564. An opportunity came to the Canarese when one of the discontended princes of the Kolathiri family met Somasekhara Nayaka, a scion of Bednur Rajas, and invited him to come to his aid to make him the ruler by deposing the Prince Regent. The Prince Regent hastily approached the English for assistance and requested them to supply him with munchues. (small crafts). The Bombay Council instructed Tellicherry again not to get entangled in the new conflict in Malabar. But there were persistent requests from the Prince Regent for urgent help. He had also requested for some soldiers to defend his palace. [56]The Canarese also suspected that the English were secretly supporting the Prince. Therefore, they adopted retaliatory measures by seizing guns from some Bombay boats which came to their ports and by blocking food supplies. [57] The Canarese came in large numbers in January 1732 and launched a fierce attack on the Prince. The Prince’s army was routed and the Canarese advanced as far as Mount Dilly.[58] There was utter confusion in the Kolathiri kingdom and merchants experienced difficulty in procuring pepper.[59]The Canarese then moved on to attack the famous Taliparamba temple. In spite of the participation of the Zamorin’s army in the defence of the temple, the Prince Regent failed to prevent the Canarese from taking over the temple. After fortifying Taliparamba the Canarese advanced towards Valarpattaqnam.[60]  The English factors at Tellicherry faced rice shortage during this period due to the activities of the Canarese and they planned to capture the vessels bringing rice to the Canarese. The Prince Regent had to retreat at every encounter with the Canarese and they captured the palace of the Kolathiri situated near the Valarpatnam River.[61] The Prince Regent thought of entering into an alliance with the Mappillas, his sworn enemies, to fight the Canarese. But, on second thoughts, he preferred a truce with the Canarese so that he could remain undisturbed. He would have felt that he could not get the necessary support from the English to face the Canarese and the Mappillas. Therefore, he found himself under a necessity of striking up a peace with Ragonatt (Raghunath), their (Canarese) general.”[62]  The Prince Regent also sought their help in his conflicts with the Mappillas of Cannanore. The Canarese thereupon crossed the Valarpattanam River on October 21, 1732 and proceeded to besiege Cannanore.[63] The Prince Regent did not want to alienate the English just because he had come to an agreement with the Canarese with whom the English were not in good terms at that time. He therefore sent his Brahmin minister to the English to explain the terms of the treaty that he had signed with the Canarese. He was bent upon punishing the Mappillas of Cannanore, and he again sought the support of the Canarese in this venture. The Canarese readily agreed to assist him.[64]

A new Chief, Stephen Law, took charge of the Tellicherry factory on December 17, 1732. His methods had a finesse and subtlety about them. He thought of using the Prince Regent to negotiate with the Canarese to get rice from Mangalore for the English at Tellicherry. [65] He had also a plan to come to an understanding with the French to face the Canarese threat. When there were rumours that the Mappillas of Cannanore were also thinking of coming to an understanding with the Canarese, the English advised them not to entertain them but to defend Cannanore so that it would not fall into the hands of the Canarese. [66] News came to the factors on January 8, 1753 that the Canarese and the Prince Regent had jointly attacked the southern forts of Cannanore. But the Mappillas fought bravely and the Canarese were repulsed.[67] The French and the English finally came to the conclusion that, in the common interest of both the Companies, the Canarese must be thrown out of Malabar. They evolved a strategy by which the Prince Regent and the Mapillas were to join hands against the Canarese. The plan, however, misfired, for the Mapillas had secretly attacked Madaccara on January 19, 1733 and captured it, but in a later encounter the Canarese won a victory. The Canarese menace was so galling that even the Prince Regent felt the necessity of forming a strong coalition against them. But as a prerequisite he wanted to get back all the lands and forts taken from him by the Mappillas. [68]The Canarese were reported to have killed a venerable Muslim priest when they attacked Madaccara. [69]This infuriated the Muslims, and when the Canarese attacked Cannanore on February 27, 1733, the Mapillas of Calicut, Ponani and other Muslim predominant areas came to the defence of the town. It thus turned out to be a religious war. The Mappillas fought with religious fervor and the Canarese were defeated with a loss of about 120 men wounded or killed. [70]

Taking advantage of the Canarese invasion, the European powers began to interfere in Malabar politics by supporting one party against the other. There was an attempt by the English to form a coalition of country powers against the Canarese. The French, Dutch and Portuguese also joined the fray. But the English were anxious to improve their trade and therefore they finally came to an understanding with the Canarese.[71]

The English also realized that the possession of the Dharmapattanam Island would be of great importance to carry on their commercial activities in Malabar. Therefore they first entered into an agreement with the Bibi of Cannanore, [72]and later with the Kottayam Raja, and finally occupied the island.[73] The French were not at all happy about these developments. They were also angry with the Prince Regent for his loyalty to the English. They, therefore, thought of staging a ‘war of succession’ in the Kolathiri family. A Prince belonging to the Nadukovilakom of the Udayamangalam branch of the Kolathiri family was made a rival to the Prince-Regent. They bribed the Nadukovilakam Prince and got a written permission from him allowing them to settle down at Peringattur. [74]This rival Prince was supported by the Kadathanad Raja, the Kurangoth Nayar and the Mappillas of Cannanore. News came to the English factors on December 19, 1735 that the new Prince had reached Agarr in the company of some French soldiers.[75] The Canarese general, Gopayya, welcomed the Prince with due honour. The English were rather perturbed over the sudden turn of events. They feared that the emergence of the rival Prince would affect their pepper trade, for he advanced a claim that the territories from Nileswaram to Valarpattanam River belonged to him.[76] The English objected to the help given by the Canarese to the rival Prince and asked them to disown him. But they refused to yield to their demand.[77] The English then required the Prince Regent to bribe his rival so that his followers would desert him. The French in the meantime sent M. Louet to bring about a settlement between he rival claimants. He wanted to organize a joint attack on the Dharmapattanam Island.[78]  The rival Prince was provided with a guard by the Canarese. The French apparently supported the rival Prince with a view to getting his permission to build a factory near Valarpattanam. [79] The Canarese had also become friends of the French. The rival Prince claimed his right over Randattara. The English could not tolerate this, for Randattara was famous for its pepper. They now decided to support the Prince Regent with arms.

The French marines and the followers of the rival Prince were attacked by the Prince Regent on January 8, 1736.[80] The timely arrival of four ships from Bombay gave the English a vantage position and the French moves were effectively checked. Even though the Canarese came to the help of the rival Prince and the French, the Prince Regent was able to score a victory with the help of the men and ammunitions supplied by the English. The Canarese finally agreed to hand over the rival Prince to the Prince Regent. [81]The unexpected success of the Prince Regent with the help of the British was a blow to French prestige in Malabar and they quietly withdrew to Mahe.

It now became quite clear to the English that the presence of the Canarese in Malabar would be a great danger to their interests. Even though the Canarese promised that the rival Prince would be handed over to the Prince Regent, they did not keep their word. At this juncture the English even thought of procuring the support of the Nawab of Arcot to face the Canarese threat.[82]

The French in the meantime were chalking out plans to bring the strategic Dharmapattanam Island under their control. They even sent an embassy to the Bednur Raja with friendly letters written by the rival Prince and the Canarese general in Malabar. Their plan was to form a coalition of country powers against the English to achieve their goal. They offered Rs. 40,000 to the Kottayam Raja and the Kadathanad Raja and induced them to come to an understanding with the Canarese so that a joint attack could be made to recover the Dharmapattanam Island from the British. They also wanted to make the rival Prince the real ruler so that they could establish a settlement for themselves at Edakkad from where they could have complete monopoly over the pepper produced at Randattara. But their plan fell through, for the Canarese were not prepared to extend their support to the French proposals.[83] The presence of the Canarese in Malabar was not at all liked by the English factors at Tellicherry. They once again thought of forming a coalition of country powers against the Canarese. But they were not having at that time sufficient funds to start a war against the Canarese.[84] The Kottayam Raja was also bent upon expelling the Canarese from Malabar. The English attacked the Canarese on February 23, 1736 and they were forced to vacate the Valarpattanam river area. Soon after the victory the English sent a letter to Gopalayya blaming the Canarese for all the troubles in Malabar.[85] The Canarese were also harassed by the English ships and they were forced to quit the Dharmapattanam Island on February25, 1736. [86] The Kottayam Raja, the Prince Regent and the English pursued them still further and the Canarese were defeated in many places. In sheer desperation the retreating Canarese forces set fire to several houses at Randattara. The combined forces carried on the war with vigour and finally succeeded in capturing the strategic Edakkad point from the Canarese. [87] Madaccara was also attacked by the English and the Prince Regent. Many Canarese were killed in the encounter and the Prince Regent gave Madaccara to the British lest it should fall into the hands of the Mappillas of Cannanore. [88]  But the attack on Codoly on March 15, 1736 by the English and the Kottayam Raja was not decisive. When the Canarese deployed their cavalry the native soldiers had to run helter-skelter. The English at once approached the Dutch to reinforce their troops. With renewed strength the English and the Prince Regent attacked Codoly and other areas held by the Canarese. There was carnage and in the melee the Canarese captain Gopalayya was also slain. The combined troops captured Maday/Taliparamba and Ayconny from the Canarese. The Canarese finally retreated to Nileswaram hoping to carry on the sally from the fort.

The English at Tellicherry who engineered this war, wrote a letter to the Bednur Raja blaming him for starting the war and at the same time expressing their willingness to come to an early settlement.[89] The Bednur Raja, in his reply, blamed the English for supporting the Kolathiri Prince when he attacked Codoly. [90]He, however, expressed his willingness to come to terms with the English if all the captured Canarese forts were restored to him. The war against the Canarese dragged on, and both the country and foreign powers fought for their own advantage and not for any principle. They often changed sides and each side exploited the other without showing any consideration for their previous loyalty. The English continued to prosecute the war against the Canarese in Nileswaram, and finally the Canarese were forced to come to terms in 1737.[91] The English managed to secure certain privileges and concessions in Canara. They also got the monopoly of trade in Kolathunad. The Bednur Raja was also prevented from advancing further south.

But the war continued between the Prince Regent and the Canarese. The Prince Regent did not allow the Canarese to move beyond the Valarpattanam River. The English simply watched the developments and they did not support the Prince Regent since they did not have much faith in the loyalty of the country powers. The English interfered as and when their interests were affected. The peace of 1737 was ratified, and after 1740 the Canarese did not cause much trouble.

The behavior and attitude of the English during the Canarese wars excited the suspicion of the Prince Regent. Gradually their relationship became strained. Another unfortunate incident took place which widened the gap still further. The English opened fire on a boat near Madaccara in which one of the brothers of the Prince was travelling.[92] The Prince Regent felt humiliated by this incident and complained that the English sergeant used abusive language when he accosted the young Prince. The English pretended ignorance and declared that their soldiers were not aware of the fact that the Prince was travelling in the boat. [93] The Prince Regent was not in a position to collect the revenues of Randattara since the English had complete control over the land. Nor could he exercise his power over Iruvazhinad since the French were still influential in that area. To make matters worse, the Canarese and the English were asking him to clear all the debts which he owed them. The Prince’s chief adviser during this period was one Unnichada Kurup, an enemy of the English. Even the traditional foe of the Prince, Ali Raja, was won over, and he volunteered to offer monetary assistance. [94]

Internal Strife

The relationship between the Prince Regent and the English was so strained that he went to the extent of obstructing the English from the collection of pepper. The English at once gave support to the Northern Regent (Vadakkilamkur) and instigated him to defy the authority of the Prince Regent[95]. The Prince Regent retaliated by sending his men to Randattara to harass the English. He also encouraged Ai Raja’s men to create problems for them. [96]  The English defeated the Mappillas at Edakkad and Urbelly.[97] They also sought the support of Kottayam against the Prince Regent, Ali Raja and the French. The Kottayam Raja assured the Company that he would not allow the enemies of the Company to pass through his country. The English took advantage of the dissensions in the Kolathiri family and evolved a new strategy by directly interfering in the family affairs with the sole motive of weakening the position of the Prince Regent. Another Prince of the family, one Kunhiraman, met the factors at Tellicherry and requested them to remove the evil advisers from the Prince Regent’s court. [98] The Prince Regent had become blind and old and the affairs of the State were conducted by his ministers. The young Prince, with the support of the English, entered the temple and removed by force Unnichanda Kurup, a favourite minister of the Prince Regent, and killed him. He then assumed charge, ignoring the claims of his elder brother. [99] The sudden turn of events greatly upset the aged Kolathiri Raja and he sought the help of Ali Raja and the Iruvazhinad Nambiars. No one came to his rescue at this critical juncture. The English were happy at the success of the young Prince and they sent troops to enable him to consolidate his power. The Prince profusely thanked the English for their timely help and assured them of his support to safeguard British interests.[100] But the Prince’s idea to attack Vadakklimkur (Northern Reagent) was not liked by the English. [101] The English, however, assisted him in his campaigns against the Mappillas. [102] The aged ex-Prince Regent died and there was a favourable political climate for the English, especially at a time when the French were attempting to make deep penetrations.

The news of the fall of Fort St. George in 1746 greatly upset the plans of the Tellicherry factors. But they courageously prepared for a siege, and were assured of assistance by the Prince Regent, the Bednur Nileswaram Rajas and the Randattara Achanmars. On July 17, 1746 the factors came to know of the arrival of two French ships off the Malabar Coast.[103] In August three ships arrived at Mahe; and again on February 24, 1747 a powerful French fleet reached Mahe.[104] The arrival of another fleet was also reported in March 1747 and Ali Raja gave 500 men to help the French against the English.[105] But the French fleet came and left Malabar without causing any trouble. In 1748 the English made a daring attempt to cut out a French vessel which was obstructing the movement of their ships. The peace of Aix-la- Chapelle brought relief to both sides in 1749. They agreed to reduce the price of pepper to Rs. 56 per candy – a lower price than it had ever touched before.

The relationship with the Prince Regent came under a cloud. His plan to attack the Northern Regent (Vadakkilamkur), a loyal ally of the British, was again discouraged by George Pudley, the new Chief of Tellicherry. The Prince Regent also gave some trouble to the English in Randattara. He ill-treated an English merchant and compelled him to pay a hefty fine.[106] The English now decided to bring to an end the oppressive and unpopular rule of the Prince Regent. They brought pressure on him and he was forced to come to a settlement with the English. [107] The Prince Regent promised that he would not oppress any of the Company’s merchants hereafter.[108]He also agreed to dismiss the Custom Master, as suggested by the English. [109] He also accepted the Company’s terms in the collection of rents in the Randattara region.[110] Thomas Byfeld, the Tellicherry Chief, had another conference with the Vadakkilamkur Raja (Northern Regent) and the Prince Regent Kunhiraman and finally a new treaty was signed on May 9, 1749. The Northern Regent agreed to grant “all the disloyal Uthayamangalam Kovilagam lands from the river Quilavelly to Urbelly southward” to the two junior Rajas of the Palli Kovilagam.[111] In another settlement on May 11, 1749 the Northern Regent agreed to cede to the two junior Rajas of Palli Kovilagam all the estate belonging to his family “southward of Cherakunnu.[112]

These settlements were not liked by the younger Princes of the Udayamangalam branch of the Kolathiri family and they did not want to split up their ancestral possessions. They rose against the Prince Regent and created some trouble for him in the north.[113] Negotiations carried on by the Codoly Nambiar to bring about a settlement were not fruitful. The Prince had to seek the help of the Company troops to put down the rebels[114]. In another agreement signed on September 7, 1749 the Prince Regent gave the Tellicherry factory certain lands in the Dharmapattanam island in part payment of his debt to the Company.[115] Thomas Byfeld was responsible for all these agreements and it was due to his amazing administrative skill that the prestige of the Company rose high in Malabar. But after Byfeld’s departure troubles began to crop up once again.

In 1750 Thomas Dorril took over charge of the factory, and by a series of mstakes he undid all the good works that his predecessors had done for the Company in Malabar. The Company had hitherto consistently strove to have friendly relations with the ruling prince of Kolattunad, regardless of other claimants to the throne. But Dorril interfered in the dissension of the family and supported another claimant, one Ambu Tamban, against the legitimate Prince. Ambu Tamban promised that he would carry on the administration with the advice of the Chief of Tellicherry and that he would accommodate differences with the Polleri Nayar of Payyurmal and also with the Raja of Bednur.[116] The old Kolathiri was also asked to give an undertaking that he would confirm all the privileges granted to the Company and that he would elect Ambu Thamban as Prince Regent, and not the two junior Rajas “ who had seized the reins of power and had attempted to bring under his control Iruvalinad and Kadathanad.”[117] When Dorril attempted to meet the Prince of Kottakunnu to censure the conduct of this younger brother, he was not allowed to enter the fort by the Prince’s men. This resulted in a clash near the fort. [118] He left for Madaccara and again there was a clash with the natives. When the factors at Tellicherry came to know about the tense situation, they at once sent reinforcements to Madaccara. There was another clash with the Prince Regent’s soldiers. Tellicherry was almost surrounded by country powers. An allied army of the princes of Kolathunad, Kottayam and Kadathanad was at the very gates of the English factory. They were also successful in capturing many of the British outposts near the Tellicherry area. The Kolathiri Raja and Ambu Tamban were confined to Madaccara and their movement was restricted. [119] Native forces burnt many houses in Tellicherry.

The French, meanwhile took possession of Nileswaram on July 9, and hoisted their flag at the entrance of the Ramdilly River.[120] The small fortresses of Ettikulam and Randilly at the foot of Mount Deli were also brought under the control of the French. Besides, they occupied the mouth of the Kavvayi River and controlled all the strategic routes. They also sent their men to the Prince Regent’s fort at Valarpattanam. Bereft of friends nearer home, Dorril tried to create a diversion by suggesting to the Bednur Raja to attack the Prince Regent’s fort at Nileswaram. The native forces, in the meantime, captured Trimalla, on the outskirts of Tellicherry on October 21. [121] English troops suffered heavy losses with 100 men killed and 20 wounded. They retreated and justified their action by making a statement that “not recalling our will be attended with the most fatal consequences.” [122] Tellicherry fort was in desperate straits, but the timely arrival of ships from Bombay relieved the tension. Dorril was primarily responsible for all these reverses, and he, therefore, decided to evolve a new policy. He realized the necessity of having the support of the native Rajas to tackle local issues. He sought the help of the Kottayam Raja to help him to find out a solution. [123] Desultory fighting went on for sometime, and finally a dishonourable peace- with the help of the Kottayam Raja – was signed in 1752.[124] According to the terms of the treaty the Company agreed to assist the Prince “against such enemy to the utmost of their power”, and the Prince also agreed to assist the Company “against such enemy, in the like manner.” The English agreed not to employ the Company linguist Rodrigues “in any transaction between the said Princes of Cherica and the Honourable Company.”[125] Madaccara fort was surrendered and a sum of Rs. 50,000 was paid to the Prince Regent. The Prince Regent undertook to destroy his redoubts on the outskirts of Tellicherry. The obligations relating to Medaccara fort and payments of money were not included in the treaty on the request of the Chief.[126] Dorril strove hard to restore the image of the Company by having friendly talks with the native rulers. Instructions were given to all the Company servants to mingle freely with the prominent Rajas of Malabar so that the prevailing misunderstanding could be gradually removed. Ricerd Seeker, the Company’s Resident at Calicut, called on the Zamorin in September 1752, and had had a very cordial talk with him. Both of them became reminiscent and remembered the traditional friendship that had existed between the Zamorin and the Company during the period of Robert Adams. [127] Taking advantage of the recent defeats suffered by the English, the Prince Regent, in collusion with the Kurangoth Nayar, in spite of the treaty, used every opportunity to harass the Company. [128] The Calicut Resident induced the Zamorin to visit the English factory at Tellicherry. When the Zamorin paid a friendly visit, the Chief and the factors gave him a ceremonial reception. The Zamorin was moved by the cordiality shown by the English and he promised to support them in their struggle against their enemies. [129] Dorril was superseded in 1754 by Thomas Hodges. He was a skilful administrator, and his primary concern was to restore British prestige on the Malabar Coast. He also wanted to retain the independent status of Iruvazhinad. [130]  He avoided open rupture with any of the country powers, but at the same time he was determined to drive the French out of Nileswaram. The Raja of Nileswaram was also bent upon expelling the French from his territory because of heavy exactions indulged in by them. Rodges wanted to supply the Nileswaram Raja with arms and ammunition. The Kdathanad Raja was also very much worried about the hostile activities of the French.[131] The Prince Regent had been playing a dubious role during these days, and the English came to know of his visit to Mahe and of his secret talks with M. Louct.[132] Hodges expressed the view that the Prince could not claim the right to collect revenue in Randattara without paying the Company’s debt.[133] But at the same time Hodges did not want to interfere in the conflicts among the country powers.[134] The third Raja of NIleswaram defeated the French in March, 1756. [135] Hodges supplied the Raja with the sinews of war. The Raja defeated the French three times in quick succession, and in June 1756 captured the fortress at Mattalay. This fort was a link in the chain of French communication between Mount Deli and their farthest outpost at Nileswaram. The French appealed for the help of the Prince Regent, and in July 1756 the Prince Regent arrived with a large force.[136] The Nileswaram Raja appealed to the English for help assuring them that he would permit the Company to have a settlement in his territory.[137] The Prince Regent, in the meantime, met the NIleswaram Raja and brought pressure on him to give back Mattayi to the French. The Prince Regent was given large sums of money for this timely help, and the French would have lost all the outposts in the Nileswaram area but for his intervention. The NIleswaram Raja was compelled by the Prince Regent to hand over Mattalayi to the French, and was given the assurance that the French would evacuate NIleswaram and other outposts if the Raja gave up Mattalayi.[138]

The Prince Regent expected much from the French for his help in getting Mattalayi for them. But the French did not give him the ‘expected’ reward and he was rather disappointed. In the meantime news reached Tellicherry on August 17, 1756 that war had broken out between England and France. The policy of the English at that time was to enlist the support of as many native princes as possible. The Prince Regent visited Tellicherry on November 2, 1756, and declared that the European powers in his territory should remain neutral. [139] His meeting with M. Louet at Mahe was not fruitful. He therefore asked his minister, one Subon Pattar, to inform the English that he was unwilling to sign a treaty with them.[140] According to the terms of the treaty signed on April 1757 the Prince promised to assist the English “with all his people and arms, and to use his influence to get succours from the other Powers likewise.”[141] If the French attacked him, the Company promised to assist him with “armed people, balls, powder and loans of money.” [142] He also assured the English that he would “put no impediment” in the way of British trade and commerce and that he would “use his influence to enlarge it.” [143]

But the Prince Regent was not sincere in his promises. He was again seen courting the favour of the French. But another native ruler, Ali Raja, made favourable proposals to the Tellicherry Chief and they were readily accepted.[144] Meanwhile the Prince Regent died on May 10, 1759.[145] The English were keen on having their own favourite as the Prince Regent. When the Kadathanad Raja attempted to go to Chirakkal with a large body of men, the English blocked his way, for they feared that he would exert his influence in the choice of the next Prince Regent.[146] The English wanted to make the elder brother of the deceased Prince Regent as the ruler. The French supported Unny Thamban, a junior Prince of the Kolathiri family. But the senior Prince chose his nephew, Prince Unamon, to handle the affairs of State. He turned out to be a cruel ruler and the senior Prince was disgusted with his rule. He even caught hold of the minister, Subban Pattar, and blinded him. He did not even spare the senior Prince and he had to take refuge at Kottakkunnu.[147]The English at once sent a large force to Madaccara and alerted Ali Raja and the Kottayam Raja. [148] They also intercepted the Kadathanad Raja’s 300 Nayars who were on their way to Chirakkal to help the young Prince. The young Prince realized his weakness and sent a letter to the Company expressing regret for his conduct. Finally, he accepted the authority of his uncle and sued for peace. The senior Prince entered into an agreement with the English and confirmed the earlier grants and privileges. He promised the Chief that he would assist the Company in preventing the Dutch or any one else from getting the pepper of Randattara, that he would help the English in recovering the wrecks, that he would consult the Chief of Tellicherry in the appointment of heirs and successors and that he would accept a stipend in lieu of the customs collections at Tellicherry.[149] He also executed another agreement in which he gave a grant to the Company of the “whole right of collecting the customs in all places in our dominions” on condition of paying 21,000 silver fanams annually. This grant, though formally settled on November 21, 1760 was, after many evasions on the part of the Regent, signed only on March 11, 1761. [150] The English had, by astute diplomacy, established their sovereignty over this unpredictable Regent, for “the Honourable Company will always have such a weight in appointment (of future rulers) as to declare the admission of (men) well affected to their interest. “ [151]

Although the English had won over the senior Regent, the other princes were still intractable. The young Prince secretly escaped to Edakkad with French help, and he got the support of the Raja of Kadathanad and some Nambiars. [152] When their army attempted to pass through Kottayam, they were attacked by the Kottayam Raja’s men.[153] The young Prince could not make much headway, for the movement of his men was arrested by the senior Regent’s troops. [154] The Zamorin, a traditional foe of the Kolathiris, always preferred a weak Regent, and he endorsed the policy of the English and offered his support. [155]On October 1, 1760, the Kadathanad forces were defeated when they attempted to pass through Kottayam. The Kadathanad Raja was warned of serious consequences if he continued to support the rebel Princes.[156] Finally the young Prince was defeated on October 8, 1760 and he sued for peace. He surrendered all the forts that were under his control and left in humiliation for Kadathanad.

The civil war in the Kolathiri kingdom came to an end. Taylor was sent from Tellicherry to meet the senior Regent and to persuade him to choose another heir.[157] But many Nayar chieftains of Kolathunad were not happy over these developments. Ali Raja and the Mappillas were still causing trouble and behaving in a defiant manner, and the senior Regent was too weak to establish his authority. The Nayar chieftains, therefore, hoped for the return of the rebel Prince so that Kolathunad would have a strong king.[158]

When war broke out between England and the Prince, the Regent wholeheartedly supported the English. Capu Tamban, a prince of the Kolathiri family attacked the French forts in the north, and the Regent informed the English that all the northern French forts except Mount Deli and Ramdilly had been captured. [159] After the capitulation of Mahe there were rumours that the Regent and the Kadathanad Raja had assisted Capu Tamban against the English during the recent conflict.[160] Taylor had a conference with the Regent in March, 1761, and the Regent ordered Capu Tamban to stop fighting. [161] The English factors were now supreme on the coast and enjoyed the monopoly of trade. They now decided to cut down the expenses of their establishments. They withdrew from all their outposts except Mount Deli and Dharmapattanam Island. [162] Madaccara fort was blown up. When Munro left Mahe on June 12, 1761, Tellicherry forces moved into the place.[163] Many Nayar soldiers in the Company’s service were also retrenched. [164] But the relationship between Ali Raja and the Regent reached an explosive point, since the former had erected a golden spire, contrary to Malabar tradition, on the top of a mosque – a custom hitherto reserved only to the Hindu temples. It was during this period of Hindu- Muslim animosity that news reached Malabar about the designs of Hyder Ali – after he had conquered Bednur – to invade Malabar.[165]

 

 

Threat from Mysore

The English had to face another danger with the emergence of Hyder as the de facto ruler of Mysore.The Tellicherry Chief got a letter on March 11, 1761, from the Kolathiri Regent complaining about the arrogant behavior of Ali Raja and also about the erection of a golden spire on the top of a mosque. Fighting broke out between the Mappillas and the Hindus. But the Court of Directors gave strict orders not to interfere in the disputes of the country powers. [166]Finally a hollow peace was concluded between the Mappillas and the Kolathiri Regent on August 26, 1762. [167] But Ali Raja was in close touch with Hyder and he sent emissaries to Mysore inviting Hyder to come to Malabar and to conquer the country for Islam.[168]  Dutch Records show that Ali Raja was giving Hyder all details about the political situation in Malabar. “During the second half of 1765 there were recurrent rumours of an imminent attack on Kolattiri and the country of the Zamorin, but it was impossible to get a clear view of Haidar's intentions. “[169] With the conquest of Bednur by Hyder, his dominions extended up to the very borders of Malabar. He wanted to collect from the Kolathiri Raja all the dues that he owed to the Nayak Rajas of Bednur.[170] To establish his authority in Malabar, he crossed the border in February 1766. He conquered the Kolathiri kingdom without any difficulty and the Princes had to take refuge in the Company’s settlement “In 1786 ‘Ali Raja instigated Haidar Ali to his successful invasion of Malabar and was entrusted with the management of all the conquered states from Cherukkal to Cochin, except Cochin, Corongoth and Randattara.” [171]  Dutch letters show that there was no resistance to Hyder’s army at all. “The population had fled and both Haidar and Ali Raja maintained strict discipline among their troops in order to lure the fugitives back to the country. Nevertheless, when one of the princes of Kolattiri, who at first had surrendered the province of Nileshwar without a blow, all of a sudden made a nightly attack on Haidar's army with 500 men and killed more than 100 soldiers, Haidlar became so enraged that he gave orders to kill all Nairs. The result was a massacre and, consequently, a new general exodus of the population.”[172] Throughout the period, instead of offering a common resistance, acute rivalry prevailed among the Kolathiri princes. To get power, the princes were always ready to shift their allegiance at any time. Hyder adopted a new policy to win over the people of Malabar. He attempted to utilize some of the princes of Malabar as his agents and stooges. He therefore nominated the Regent of Kolathunad to the government of his ancestral domains in Chirakkal. The Prince in April 1775 conquered some places that belonged to the Kurangoth Nayar who was under French protection.[173]His forces entered Mahe and compelled the French to give him a large sm of money.[174] The Regent of Chirakkal, obeying the orders of Hyder, went to the assistance of the French. The English got the support of the Zamorin and the Kottayam Raja. When the Chirakkal Raja attempted to blockade Tellicherry from the land side, the Company supplied the Kottayam Raja with arms and ammunitions to attack Chirakkal. The Prince, with the help of 2000 soldiers from Coorg, attempted to cut off supplies to Tellicherry. But the forces of Kottayam and Kadathanad, with the active support of the English, defeated him. Finally Mahe surrendered to the English on November 19, 1779. The Prince was also defeated and he had to retreat. The Zamorin and the Kottayam Raja took advantage of the situation and recovered some of their possessions. Dutch records show that “the raja of Cochin had been asked to supply the Mysorean troops with labourers who could be used in the war against Calicut, and in case the Zamorin would flee through his country the raja wauld have to extradite him. Breekpot gave some advice as how to act in these matters, namely, that some pretext should be put forward mainly in order to gain time.” [175] Meanwhile, the English Resident, Mr. Freeman, had to encounter the Governor of , appointed by Hyder and he was expelled from Tellicherry.[176] But soon took possession of it.

Whenever Hyder had to leave Malabar to wage wars against the Marathas and the British, dispossessed Rajas of Malabar and Nairs rebelled against his rule and attacked his army barracks.  Kottayam Raja invaded Coorg and was successful in defeating the Mysorean troops. But Haidar sent reinforcements from Mysore and came personally with troops from Seringapatam. Assisted by Ali Raja's men and Nairs of the chief of Kadathanad, who met their obligations of tribute to Haidar, he reconquered Coorg and subsequently attacked Kottayam from the north side and easily captured it. The rulers of Coorg and Kottayam and the new Zamorin sought safety in f1ight and left Kottayam to Haidar.  Dutch records show: “The Zamorin wanted to go to Travancore and asked Moens for free passage. No reply was sent to this request received at Cochin on 5 April, but the resident of Chetvai told the Zamorin's messen gers that their master would not be allowed to pass through the territory of the raja of Cranganore. A month later, however, it was learnt that the Zamorin with his re1atives and 2,000 Nairs had fought his way through the enemy and had taken up residence in an unoccupied palace of Cranganore's raja. Several representations to leave the region were made to the Zamorin, and when it appeared that the rajas of Cochin and Travancore were also unwilling to admit him into their territories he left again for the north on the Ilth of May, whereas his female relatives secretly obtained passage to the south.”[177]   Later the Zamorin also after facing many difficulties managed to reach Travancore. Travancore Raja forgave all the belligerent acts of the Zamorins in the past and gave him asylum.

 

When Tipu descended on Malabar he thought that the Chirakkal Raja was his ally. In fact, the Chirakkal Raja expected many favours from Tipu. He thought of retaining his position with the help of Tipu. Moreover, he thought that this alliance with Tipu would enable him to tackle the rebellious Mappillas. The Tellicherry factors got the news that the Chirakkal prince was attempting to seize Muicara on the south-east of Tellicherry. This plan, if carried out, would put the settlement in a state of close siege. But the prince died suddenly and was succeeded by his brother who was not totally loyal to the English. He was hypocritical and remained a stooge of Tipu. He wanted Tipu’s help to check the growing power of the Bibi of Cannanore and also to control the Mappillas of his kingdom. The part played by him during the early phase of Tipu’s campaign is discussed elsewhere.[178] The Chirakkal Raja was horrified by the large scale persecution of the Hindus by Tipu. And yet, he wanted to be friendly with him outwardly so that he and his family would be spared of all the indignities. When Tipu returned to Malabar in 1789, he issued an edict which declared that every being in the district should be honoured with Islam.[179] At Kuttipuram the Nayars who surrendered after a stiff resistance when Tipu with a strong force attacked them, were all circumcised, and “every individual of both sexes being compelled to close the ceremony by eating beef.” The atrocities perpetrated by Tipu and his forces made the Chirakkal Raja seek the friendship of the Company. He had done much wrong to the Company, “and had been till lately in hostile possession of Dharmapattanam Island, and who was still in hostile possession of Randattara.” The Factory diary records that on March 22, 1789, the Chirakkal Prince claimed the protection of the factors.[180] But the Tellicherry factors were not prepared to give him asylum for two reasons. First, the conduct of the Chirakkal Raja during the Mysorean invasion had been totally hostile, and secondly, the receiving of him would probably divert Tipu’s entire forces against the Tellicherry settlement.. Therefore, the Tellicherry Chief bluntly turned down the request of the Chirakkal Raja.[181] But on March 23, 1709, his sister and the other members of the family made a sudden visit to the Dharmapattanam Island. In spite of the refusal of the factors to accommodate them they stayed for two days and on the following night secretly disappeared.[182] They would have probably gone to Travancore. There are conflicting accounts about the fate of the Chirakkal Raja. According to one account he was invited to Tipu’s headquarters, and he also went confidently since he was all along acting as a stooge of Tipu. He went to the camp with a body of soldiers and with many presents. He was received with open arms. But he soon understood that Tipu was bent upon plundering the Hindu temples. According to Tipu’s own memoirs, the Chirakkal Raja offered 4 lakhs of rupees and plates of gold on condition that the temple would be spared. But Tipu sternly told him that he would not spare the temple for all the treasures of the world. Wilks, in his Historical Sketches, says that the Chirakkal Raja “had been induced by the most sacred promises to pay his personal respects to the sultan, and was for several days treated with considerable distinction, and dismissed with costly presents to his little principality.” But before he could reach his Capital, Tipu declared that a conspiracy had been unearthed in which the Chirakkal Raja was implicated and gave orders to attack his party. The Chirakkal Raja and his party were attacked by two brigades sent by Tipu. In a skirmish that took place, the Chirakkal Raja was killed. In his memoirs Tipu boasted of the punishment meted out to the Chirakkal Raja, and how the dead body was mutilated and exposed to public gaze. According to the factory diary, “he was killed attempting to escape.”[183]   Francis Day says that Tipu informed the Chirakkal Raja that “the same argument which had been employed to lower castes of Hindus would now apply to himself (about conversion): on hearing this, he sent orders to his family to flee to Travancore promising them that he would never die a recreant to his father’s faith: and then committed suicide,” [184] Another version is that he shot himself on finding that escape was impossible. Wilks, however gives a graphic account of the fate of the Raja. “The Nair Raja of Cherucul had been induced, by the most sacred promises, to pay his personal respects to the Sultan, and was, for several days, treated with considerable distinction, and dismissed with costly presents to his little principality.  Immediately after his departure, real or pretended information was received, of his being engaged in a secret conspiracy to revenge the cruel indignities of his countrymen; and Tippoo detached two brigades to effect his destruction or ascertain to obedience, by directing him instantly to return to camp.  His attendants, justly alarmed at these appearances, prepared for defence, and before any explanation could be given, a skirmish ensued in which the Raja and some of his attendants were killed, and a few prisoners secured; and Tippoo, considering the accusation to be established, ordered the most base and unmanly indignities to be offered to the corpse, and that the dead and the living should afterwards be hanged on the same tree.  These indignities recounted by the Sultaun himself, although free from the usual obscenity, are too brutal for translation; and he relates, among the incidents pertaining to the Raja, that he had, during their personal intercourse, offered 400,000 rupees and the plates of gold with which a particular temple was roofed, on condition of sparing the temple itself; to which proposition the Sultaun is made to reply that he would not spare it for all the treasures of the earth and the sea.  He states the destruction in the course of the holy war of eight thousand idol temples, many of them roofed with gold, silver or copper, and all containing treasures buried at the feet of the idol, the whole of which was royal plunder; but when crimes are deemed to be virtues, we may infer that the amount is exaggerated.”[185] The Tellicherry Diary and Tipu’s memoirs confirm the savagery committed on the Rajas corpse. The dead body was dragged by elephants through his camp and it was finally hung up on a tree. Seventeen followers who were captured alive met with the same fate.  Meantime the Chirakal Raja anticipating his death had “secured a retreat for his sister with her two sons, the only remaining males of the family of Cherical. On the day in which he caused himself to be shot, she embarked at Dharma-pattanna, and went to Travancore, the Raja of which country was of the same family.’’[186] Tipu handed over a portion of the Chirakkal kingdom to the Bibi.

 

Robert Taylor became the Chief of Tellicherry on December 25, 1789. Tipu’s designs on Travancore made the Bombay Government watchful of his every move. They sent instructions to Taylor and the other members of the Tellicherry factory “to take an oath of secrecy for the conduct of the warlike operations then imminent.” They were also directed to win over the “friends and allies” of Tipu by promising them protection.[187]Most of the Malabar Rajas had taken refuge in Travancore.[188] The Tellicherry Chief requested Powney who was in Travancore to send up the Raja of Kadathanad who was living there as a refugee, and an armed vessel was sent to bring him to Malabar.[189] The ministers of the Kottayam and Chirakal Rajas were also ensured of protection.[190] On April 24, 1790, Robert Taylor issued a proclamation guaranteeing the protection of the Company to all the inhabitants. The proclamation runs as follows:

 

“Whereas a detachment of the Honourable Company’s Troops is now sent out from the garrison of Tellicherry with a view of giving every encouragement and protection to the Malabar Princes, Moplah inhabitants, etc., and to set hostility against the troops of the Nabob Tippoo Sultan. This is to give notice to the Malabar Princes, Moplah inhabitants, etc., that any of them who will join this detachment and set against the Nabob Tippoo Sultan during the present war may rely on the Honourable Company’s protection and being included as allies  of the Honourable Company in any future treaty they may enter into with the Nabob, which assurances the Chief of Tellicherry now given in the name of the Honourable Company, his own, that of the Governor General of Bengal and Governor of Bombay by their express authority. And any of the neighbouring powers, who may not join in the present contest, will be considered as enemies of the Honourable Company and acted against accordingly. Any of the powers, who may be willing to accede to the terms proposed may obtain from the Chief of Tellicherry now given in the name of the Honourable Company, written agreements in the names of the above mentioned.”[191] The new Chirakkal Raja, who is styled as “Ravivarma, king of the house of Pellliculam of the kingdom of Colastri”, entered into an agreement with the Company. According to the terms of the treaty the Chirakkal Raja would be  included and considered as an ally of the Honourable Company” in the war against Tipu.[192] In the second dispatch of Lord Cornwallis, it was assured that the Honourable Company would do their utmost “to render them (Malabar Chieftains) in future entirely independent of Tipu, and at the conclusion of peace to retain them upon reasonable terms under the protection of the Company.” [193] Lord Cornwallis wrote again on June 1, 1790, that “we will do our utmost to force that prince (Tipu) to relinquish his claim of sovereignty over them at the conclusion of peace.”

On May 4, 1799, Tipu Sultan fell fighting the British army. B. Lewis Rice describes the last day of the battle in the Mysore Gazetteer in the late 19th Century “as per which more than 2,490 European soldiers and 1,887 soldiers from various contingents of the native kingdoms raided the Fort and breached on May 4, 1799 at 1 p.m. General Baird and his contingent took heavy shelling from a battery of musketry and rockets fired by Tipu’s forces, but it was not enough to repel the invading forces that entered the fort. One of the important casualties was his General, Syed Gafur. On learning of his death, Tipu Sultan mounted his steed and headed to the northern ramparts of the fort. On noticing a large British contingent, he turned east and headed through a gateway where his horse was struck by a volley of bullets. Tipu Sultan fell and was buried among a heap of dead.”[194]

The Company’s future course of action was clearly stated in a letter written by Lord Cornwallis to the Bombay Government. He promised “to force that prince (Tipu) to relinquish all future claims upon their (Malabar Chief’s) allegiance, and to agree to their becoming the subjects and dependents of the Honourable Company. To which we shall add that, in order to secure a willing obedience from the Malabar Chiefs, we should be contented with their paying a very moderate tribute, provided they will give the Company advantageous privileges for carrying on commerce in the valuable possession of their country”[195] These terms were duly accepted and the Malabar Rajas virtually became the “subjects and dependents” of the Company. When Malabar was ceded to the British by the Treaty of Seringapatnam, Cornwallis issued orders for the appointment of a Commission to enquire into the state of the country and report on the future system of government.

 

The period we have just surveyed saw the disintegration of one of the oldest royal families of Kerala – the Kolathiris. The Kolathiris became wealthy by selling pepper and spices to the Arabs, and this trade made Cannanore a flourishing port on the Malabar Coast.[196] They were also tolerant, and Zein- ud- Din estimated that of the total population of Malabar 10 per cent were Muslims.[197] They even encouraged low caste Hindus to marry the Arabs: and the Mappillas were the offspring of foreign husbands and indigenous wives.[198] According to another tradition one of the Cheraman Perumals – titular rulers of middle Kerala – became a Muslim.[199] There is also a view that the first Ali Raja was a Nayar minister of the Kolathiri who became a Muslim.[200]

All these instances show that the Kolathiris were cosmopolitan in outlook. They were also good administrators. As K.M. Panikkar states, “Malabar was leading a comparatively happy, though politically isolated, life. In many ways her organization was primitive, but she had evolved a system in which trade flourished, different communities lived together without friction, and absolute religious toleration existed.[201] Even though the Kolathiri kingdom was subjected to many invasions, it maintained a good civilization. “Civilization in that part of the western coast of India first touched at by the Portuguese had reached a high level …”[202] The Kolathiris were liberal patrons of letters and their court was adorned by poets and scholars of outstanding merit. Raghava, Sankara and Divakara were some of the eminent scholars who lived in the Kolathiri kingdom. But the kingdom rapidly declined due to internecine warfare, and finally succumbed when it was no longer in any position to withstand the sustained attacks of a determined foe – the Mysorean. The arrival of the Europeans further weakened the position of the Kolathiri. The Portuguese wanted to monopolise the trade of the country and they were prepared to “make cruel war” upon their enemies to establish their sovereignty over the high seas.[203] Soon competition developed between the Portuguese and Dutch, followed a little later by the English - French rivalry. The English wanted to establish a commercial monopoly and General Abercromby sent a letter to the Chirakkal Raja (Kolathiri) that the Company should have the exclusive right for the sale “of pepper or any other article of commerce.” [204] The Kolathiri and the other Rajas of Malabar were not strong enough to face the challenge of the dynamic west. At this time the Kolathiri kingdom was quite effete. While Europe was pulsating with energy, the once flourishing principalities on the Malabar Coast were becoming impotent politically. The inevitable result was the domination of the ancient Kolathiri kingdom by the English.

 

 

 

 

 

 

Chapter II

 

 

THE EAST INDIA COMPANY AND THE ZAMORINS OF CALICUT

Portuguse impression of  the Zamorin

The Zamorins were the legal successors of the Chera emperors who disappeared from Kerala History in 1102.[205]  Following the collapse of the Cheras, there was a rapid turn over of a range of intermediate entities (regional gentry) until the accession of the Zamorin. According to some scholars, the term ‘Zamorin’ is the Anglicised form of the Sanskrit title Samutiri (King of the Seas). This title, it was claimed, was applicable only to the ruling Prince of the royal family. The Zamorins of Calicut were experts in crude diplomacy who gained ascendancy – after intermittent and protracted warfare – over the contending Rajas of northern Kerala – the Kolathiri Raja in the north, the Cochin Raja in the south and the Kadathanad Raja of the inland region. The Zamorins’ frequent interference in the internal affairs of the neighbouring Rajas had made Calicut a volatile region and a theatre of explosive politics.  Zamorin declared Calicut a free port and the hospitality to foreigners attracted traders from Arabia, Egypt, Zanzibar, Ethiopia, Tunis and China to this city which soon developed into the principal emporium of trade on the Kerala Coast. The Zamorins showed special consideration to the Arab merchants and this enabled them to secure the monopoly of export and import trade in Malabar. “The Arabs not only made Calicut the greatest port on the West Coast of India, thy even helped to spread the name and fame of the Zamorin to Europe.”[206]  Woodcock observes: “The domination which the Zamorin had established over most of northern Kerala by the time of Vasco da Gama’s arrival was due largely to the support given him by his Muslim allies.”[207]   Some regional writers speak about without authentic evidence the security given by the Zamorin to foreign traders and visitors. The Persian envoy Abdur Razzak is quoted to show the protection and safety given by the Zamorin to unloaded goods. But events that happened after the coming of European powers give a wrong picture.  Vasco da Gama was arrested on his first visit to the Zamorin’s palace without any valid reason because of the corrupt and unscrupulous Zamorin’s staff in the palace. The Dutch and the English had also bitter experience with the dishonest and unreliable kings and their subordinates. When the Zamorin agreed to permit the English to build a factory at Cranganore, George Woolman was made chief of the factory. He was assisted by Peter Needham and Roger Hawes. A youth, Edward Peake, served as an attendant.  The English factors reported: “On the 10^th, the ships departed, leaving us and our goods in a shamble at the water side, together with a present for the Zamorin. We continued there till 13^th, at which time the last of our goods were carried to the Zamorin’s castle; whose integrity we much suspected, after having thus got possession of our goods. On the 20^th, he insisted to see Mr. Woolman’s trunk, supposing we had plenty of money; Needham had told him we had 500 rials, but finding little more than fifty, he demanded the loan of that sum, which we could not refuse. He offered us a pawn not worth half; which we refused to accept, hoping he would not allow us to proceed to Calicut, but he put us off with delays. He likewise urged us to give his brother a present.” Mr. Woolman died on the 17^th of August. We could not procure our payment of our own promised money, and were told by our broker, that some one of our debtors would procure a respite from the governor by means of a bribe, on which the rest would refuse till they all paid. On the 24^th, the Zamorin’s sister sent us word, that she would both cause our debtors to pay us and to lend us any money we needed; but we found her as false as the rest. The queen mother also made fair promises, and several others made offers to get letters conveyed for us to Surat; but all their words were equally false.”[208] Although some parochial historians have glorified Zamorin’s regime, the Zamorin’s court was a web of intrigue, deceit and treachery. Treaties were not honoured and alliances were snapped in a quirky manner. Some of the  Zamorins brutal actions during the course of their regime will prompt historians to demystify and deremonaticize much that has been projected as true.

 

 With the arrival of Vasco da Gama on May 27, 1496, a new era began for Kerala, “an era lasting four and a half centuries, in which its life was linked by chains of commerce and politics with the shifting patterns of power on the Atlantic seaboard of Europe.”[209] The attempts made by the Portuguese to monopolise Malabar trade led to a direct confrontation with the Zamorin. “For more than a century and a half the Zamorins resisted them, and for another century they resisted the Dutch who succeeded from the Portuguese.[210]   The success and the profits made by the Portuguese prompted the English to make naval expeditions to India.  “ The first direct voyage to India undertaken by the English  was in 1591, in which year three vessels, the "Penelope," the " Marchant Royal," and the "Edward Bonaventure," sailed from Plymouth on the 10th April, under the command of George' Baymond and James Lancaster. The former died on the journey, and the latter, after a most adventurous voyage, in which several Portuguese ships were captured, returned to England without his vessels, in August 1594. In 1596 another expedition, consisting of three ships, the " Bear," the Bear's Whelp," and the " Benjamin," under the command of Captain Benjamin Wood, was fitted out, principally at the charges of Sir Robert Dudley, for a trading voyage to China. This expedition was, however, not heard of again, not one of the company ever returning to give an account of the rest. In 1600 Queen Elizabeth granted a charter to George Earl of Cumberland and two hundred and fifteen Knights, Aldermen, and Merchants, for the formation of a corporate body to be styled " the Governor and Company of Merchants of London trading into the East Indies..” [211]   The Engish wanted to have a direct route to India. “Several merchants and mercantile companies came forward”, says Kusuman, “with the idea of making commercial contact with the East. But the early expeditions made by them under captains Raymonds and Wood met with failure.”[212] Ralph Fitch was perhaps the first Englishman to come to Calicut.[213] But his expedition was not sponsored by the East India Company, and he came as a private trader in 1583, “ being desirous to see the countries of the East India, in the company of M. John Newbery, merchant ( which had been at Ormus once before), of William Leedes, jeweler and James Story, painter, being chiefly set forsooth by the right worshipfull Sir Edward Osborne, Knight and M. Richard Staper, citizens and merchants of London, did ship myself in a ship of London called Tyger; and his immense joy in seeing the pepper-producing Kerala was revealed in the breathless statement made by him on arriving at Cochin: Here groweth the pepper.” [214]  Travel accounts by a stream of visitors inspired the British government to explore the possibilities of opening trade routes to India.  “The English East India Company was thus formed to reap the advantages from trade as Indian goods were widely known in the world markets for their variety and moderate prices. The early English travellers like Fitch, Leeds, Stephens and Newberry were among the pioneers and the ‘trend-setters’. They were essentially adventurers who came in with that spirit and later Milden Hall and Hawkins followed them.[215]  Even before Ralph Fitch reached India, there were multiple plans by the British to find a route to India.  As Frederick Hall says: “Attention was thus directed to the possibility of utilizing the long-established trade-route by way of Syria which had already been tapped to some extent by the syndicate of merchants, headed by Edward Osborne and Richard Staper, who had been granted the monopoly of English trade in the Turkish dominions by a royal charter in September 1581. Moreover, a certain John Newbery had just returned from a long and important journey in the desired direction. Starting from Tripoli, in Syria, he had made his way overland to Basra, on the Persian Gulf, and thence by sea to Ormus, the famous island at its mouth, opposite to the present Bandar Abbasi. After spending some time on the island, during which he carefully concealed his nationality from the Portuguese officials, he returned by land through Persia and Armenia to Constantinople, and thence home by way of Poland and the Baltic. Evidently he had learnt much about the routes between India and Persia, and had come to the eonclusion that commerce by that route was perfectly feasible.[216] It was in 1615 that Captain Keeling, the first representative of the East India Company, came to Malabar and met the Zamorin at Cranganore. He landed off Calicut with the three English ships that brought Sir Thomas Roe to the court of Jahangir. As Robert Kerr narrates: “On the 4^th of March 1615, we chased a Portuguese frigate, which ran into a creek and escaped. While on our way towards Cape Comorin, a Tony came aboard of us, with messengers from the Zamorin to our general, Captain William Keeling. Next day, the governor sent a present, and entreated the general to proceed to Cranganore, which we did next day, taking with us the messengers sent from the Zamorin, who requested the general to come on shore to speak with him.”  [217]    Keeling went ashore accompanied by Barclay, a Cape merchant and several others. They were heartily welcomed and agreed to settle a factory in the dominions of the Zamorin.  A treaty with several favourable articles was also signed between the English and the Zamorin.[218] Both parties agreed to stand united against the Portuguese and to capture the forts of Cranganore and Cochin. George Woolman was appointed Chief of the Calicut factory, and he was assisted by three factors, a gunner and a boy. The Zamorin stated in the ageement: “William Keeling arrived in my kingdom at the port of Cranganore, in March 1615, with three ships, and at my  earnest solicitation came ashore to see me; there was concluded by me on my part, and by him for the English nation, as followeth. As I have ever been at enmity with the Portuguese, and propose always to continue, I do hereby faithfully promise to be and to continue in friendship with the English, both for myself and my successors.”[219]  The Zamorin wanted the support of the English to deal with the Poruguese.  But there was not much progress in trade, and Woolman also died a few months later.[220] Captain Popwell came to Calicut with his fleet on March 21, 1617, and he was not at all satisfied with the state of affairs in the factory so much so that he decided to abolish it.[221]

The Zamorin entertained the English with a view to getting their help in his campaigns against the Portuguese. But the English were interested in the Eastern Archipelago, and they showed little interest in expelling the Portuguese. In Malabar also, their prize object was to expand their commercial activities, and therefore, the very idea of taking up arms against the Portuguese did not appeal to them very much. “The Country itself”, observed the factor in charge, ‘neither gave vent to cure, nor produced commodities in any quantity or at reasonable rates to return for England”. The Zamorin was also not interested in their trade, and his primary interest was to get their support against the Portuguese for the conquest of Cranganore and Cochin. The Zamorin’s intentions were made very clear in his letter addressed to King James at the time of signing an agreement with Captain Keeling; this letter is also important in the sense that it was perhaps the first official communication addressed by a Malabar Prince to a Sovereign of England. He states:

“I do hereby faithfully promise to be and continue a friend to the English, and my successors after me, to endeavour the taking in of the fort of Cranganore, and to possess the English thereof as their own, together with the island thereof, containing in length is seacoast nine miles, and in breadth three miles, provided I purpose to build therein a house for some of my own people to the number of hundred persons.”

“ I will also endeavour, with the aid of the English, hereafter to take in the fort and town of Cochin, belonging formerly to my crown and kingdom, and then deliver it into the possession of the English as their own proper land and possession, provided that the charges of the surprise thereof be equally borne, the one half by myself, the other half by the English nation, and the benefits of the spoil thereof, in whatsoever quality, the one half to belong to me and the other half to the English nation.” It was written aboard the Dragon, at the port of Kodungallur, in Malayalam to be translated into English. “Pūnturakkōn” is an epithet of the Zamorin. Its origin is a matter of dispute among historians. Generally, it is associated with his power over Calicut: kōn connotes ruler, and Pūntura is a portmanteau of putiyatura, “new port”, that is Calicut.  The term cīṭṭu means “declaration”, “bond” or “deed”, and is not derived from Ceṭṭi, the trading caste, as William Foster had erroneously identified in 1900 in his Letters Received by the East India Company.. [222] The Zamorin had gone to the extent of giving Cochin to the English, thinking that they would give him military assistance to defeat the Portuguese in his bid to bring Cranganore and Cochin under his control. This was a golden opportunity for the English to intervene openly in Malabar politics and to show their military strength. But the English were not at all willing to enter into any alliance which would result in a war. For one thing, this open invitation to intervene came at a time when the English themselves were not sure of their strength and position. Moreover, the Directors and the Government would not approve of such an action. When the expected military assistance did not come from the English, the Zamorin was sorely disappointed. Therefore he did not give any assistance to the English to develop their trade in their factories at Cranganore and Calicut. In 1618 the Company’s trade failed at Calicut owing to the lack of interest on the part of the English factors and due to “a want of sincerity on the part of the Zamorin.”[223] As Logan remarks: “ But it very soon transpired that all that the Zamorin wanted was to get assistance against the Portuguese for the conquest of Cranganore and Cochin, and when the English ships left without assisting him, very scant courtesy was shown to the ten persons left behind who were to have founded a factory at Calicut.[224]

The English, like the Portuguese and the Dutch, wanted to establish their influence in the Indonesian archipelago. They were attracted by the lucrative trade in pepper and spices with which those islands abounded. Like the Dutch, the English might have thought of using the group of Indonesian islands not only as the strategic and administrative centre of their system, but also as their economic base to expand their commercial activities. But there were bitter hostilities between the Dutch and the English. There were also, at the same time, attempts to bring about a settlement between them, and conferences were held at London and The Hague. It was during this period that Amboina Massacre took place in Amboina, Indonesia, in 1623, when 10 Englishmen, 10 Japanese, and one Portuguese were put to death by local Dutch authorities. The incident ended any hope of Anglo-Dutch cooperation in the area, a goal that both governments had been pursuing for several years, and marked the beginning of Dutch ascendancy in the Indies. This gruesome   massacre gave a rude jolt to the English, and they once again turned their attention to India. Robert Masters was sent to Calicut to be in charge of the factory.  [225] Despite these and other clifficulties the English Company maintained its place in Indian trade and succeeded in creating an increasing demand for English woollens and other goods. The return cargoes consisted mainly of indigo, cotton goods, saltpetre, pepper, silk and sugar. Dutch expansion in the Malay Archipelago led the English Company to further concentrating its activities on India, and one of the results of this course of affairs was that in order to meet the growing demand for pepper more attention was paid to Malabar after the loss of the factory at Bantam in 1682. In course of time Tellicherry and Anjengo became important settlements for collecting pepper in Malabar and their existence furnished a clear proof of the failure of the Dutch policy of excluding the English from the pepper markets. The Zamorin who had a bitter experience with the Dutch and who were now supporting his foe, the Portuguese, welcomed the English with open arms. He exempted them from the payment of all export duties except on pepper. When a friendly invitation came from the Zamorin, Charles Smeaton and Robert Barber were sent to the Calicut factory.[226] In 1580 Spain subdued Portugal and the control of Portuguese possessions in the East came to the Spanish. This greatly affected the prestige of the Portuguese in India. After the defeat of the Sparnish Armada in 1506, the Dutch began to challenge the Portuguese in the Indian seas. In 1634 – 1635, when the Portuguese power in Kerala was about to collapse, the English East India Company entered into a treaty with the Portuguese by which the English got free access to all the Portuguese ports in Kerala. This enabled some Englishmen to settle at Cochin, and in 1635 pepper was exported to England for the first time direct from Malabar. [227]. The Portuguese were totally opposed to the Dutch and they even preferred an alliance with the British. On 6 August, 1661, the treaty of peace between the Dutch and Portuguese was signed and it laid down that ‘hostilities were to cease in Europe two months after signature and elsewhere on publication; each side to retain what it then possessed’. As the authors of Cambridge India History says: “Had this treaty been ratified at once, the Dutch East India Company would have been baulked of Cochin. But Portugal’s new ally, Charles II, was unwilling to share with the Dutch in the remaining Portuguese possessions trading facilities which had hitherto been reserved to the English, and Portuguese government was too dependant on English help not to seek alteration of the terms.”[228]  This alliance prevented the Dutch from making encroachments on Portuguese terrritoties.

The English had two aims before them: to get trading concessions from the native Rajas and to assert their superiority over the other European powers. The Portuguese were no more a political force to reckon with in Malabar. But the Dutch were creating problems for the English. The Dutch very much resented the presence of the English in Malabar, for they knew well that if the English were to gain a foothold in Malabar, it would adversely affect their commercial interests. Therefore they resolved to “employ every means and make every effort to have he English expelled from the land of the Zamorin.”[229] The French, on the other hand, were not regarded by the English as potential rivals in India. The French factory at Surat has been described by Fryer as “better stored with monsieurs than with cash; they live well, borrow money, and make a show.”[230]  The English were keen on having a factory at Calicut so that they could manage their commercial activities in Malabar. This was also keenly felt by the Surat Council and therefore they immediately responded when the Zamorin invited them by sending   Charles Smeato and Robert Barber to Calicut to negotiate with the Zamorin.[231]

The English had made a fair assessment of the political situation in Malabar, and took cautious steps to get a permanent foothold in the region. They might have had an idea of using Cochin, like the Portuguese, as their headquarters to carry on their activities in Kerala. But the Dutch had captured Cochin in 1663 and the English factors were ordered to leave the town. The English, therefore, moved into Ponnani, and a year later some English factors settled at Calicut. The Dutch tried their best to destroy this friendship that existed between the English and the Zamorin.

The Second Anglo-Dutch War broke out in Europe, and its repercussions were felt in Malabar also. This war began due to England's desire to end the Dutch domination of world trade. The Dutch also wanted to expel the English from Malabar, and the establishment of an English factory at Calicut was considered a direct threat to their activities in Malabar. The English wrote to the Court of Directors that “the Dutch are much offended at our settling a factory at Calicut and requested them to take steps to meet the Dutch threat.”[232] The English factors at Calicut also experienced some difficulties in their business dealings with the natives and the Zamorin. The Zamorin gave them permission to carry on their trade only on payment of a fixed rate of customs duty. The factors reported that they were asked to give bribes and ‘presents’ by the native officers and merchants. Meanwhile, the Zamorin who had invited the English died, and this made their position insecure. The Mappillas were also hostile to the English. The Zamorin’s palace officers were corrupt and the English had a tough time in negotiating with the Zamorin and local pepper planters. The Dutch presence in Malabar at this time blocked all the trade dealings of the British with the pepper merchants.  They also found it difficult to procure pepper because the local supervisor who was controlling pepper merchants was afraid of the Dutch. In the meantime, the Dutch captured the English factors at Purakkad and imprisoned them.[233] On July 31, 1667, the English and the Dutch signed the Treaty of Breda which ended the Second Anglo-Dutch War. The treaty was a simple uti possidetis document, permitting both parties to retain those lands they had taken during the fighting. 

When a war broke out between the Zamorin and the Dutch in August 1666, the Zamorin sought the assistance of the English to attack the Dutch. But the English did not respond favourably, and the Zamorin’s officer at Calicut attacked the English factory on August 29, 1666 and rounded up the factors to be taken to the Zamorin. The Zamorin asked them to give him a huge loan. The English factors at Surat came to know of the arrest of the Calicut factors only in November. But they were not in a position to send immediate help to the factors. Finally the factors got their freedom by paying a sum of money to the Zamorin.[234] The unfriendly attitude of the Zamorin made them seek refuge at Tanur, and the Raja of Tanur agreed to give them protection.[235] The English of this period were not sure of their position in Malabar and their future remained uncertain. The English authorities at Surat found fault with the factors at Calicut for not lending money to the Zamorin. The factors expressed their inability to meet the exorbitant demands of the Zamorin.[236] The Surat Council appointed Alexander Grighy as the Chief of the factory at Calicut.[237]  Grighy made overtures to the Zamorin and fresh attempts were made to revive their trade. But the Third Raja was unfriendly to the English and he insisted that the Company should pay his customs duty for pepper procured from Tanur. As a matter of fact, the English voluntarily negotiated with the Tanur Raja due to the hostile attitude of the Zamorin. The Zamorin was rude enough to force the English to pay customs duty for the pepper bought by the English at Tanur. He was excercising his dominant authority over the regional rajas of Malabar. The English, however, agreed to yield to this demand and reluctantly paid customs duty for pepper bought at Tanur Raja’s territory and not at Calicut.[238] The English now realized that the Zamorin was untrustworthy and that the the Dutch threat was also looming large. So the factors felt the urgent necessity of attacking the enemies to safeguard the English position in Malabar.[239] The Bombay Council also endorsed the view of the factors and requested the Company to give them permission to use force against the Malabar princes.[240] But some unforeseen events happened that gave courage to the English. The death of the Third Raja and the accession of the Second Raja opened new prospects to the English. He was a sworn enemy of the Dutch and had a desire to have friendly ties with the English.[241] Mitchell became the Chief of the factory, and he took advantage of the new political atmosphere to expand the commercial activities of the Company. English factories at Calicut and Tellicherry began to thrive, and the factors strove hard to obtain the greatest possible amount of pepper at the lowest possible prices. The volume of trade carried on by the English during this period and the profits made by them are shown in the records of the East India Company. In the period, 1616-1618, pepper was bought in India for 2 ¾d. and sold for 18 d. [242]

Their trade status also steadily increased, and under their most active administrators, Robert Adams in Calicut and Alexander Orme in Anjengo, they energetically cultivated the favour of the rulers of Calicut and Travancore. With the appointment of Robert Adams as the Chief, a new phase began in the relationship between the English and the Zamorin. In 1600, the Zamorin allowed them a reduction of 25% in the duty of pepper. The Zamorin wrote to Feni, an English factor: “From the usual profit from pepper, which you may export from Calicut from the year 875 (September 1699) and thenceforward, you can deduct 2 ½ fanams in every 10 fanams. I will only recover the amazia.”[243] The Zamorin showed special consideration for the English and gave them more privileges. The English influence grew steadily and, according to Hamilton, “If any debtor went into their factory for protection none durst presume to go there to disturb them: but that Indulgence has been sometimes made an ill-use of to the Detriment of the English Private Traders.”[244] 

But the Dutch were stoking troubles for the English. The Dutch made all preparations to attack the Zamorin. They were determined to expel the British from Malabar. The supreme council of Batavia dispatched fleet and troops to Malabar under the leadership of William Bakker Jacobs.   As Robert Adams reported: “A vessel had been taken by the Dutch though, according to agreement, it sailed under the English flag, had an English pass and Englishman on board.” [245] In the war that ensued, the Zamorin sustained heavy losses. The Dutch brought under their control Pappinivattam and Chettuva, but the British were not in a strong position at this time to assist the Zamorin.  Accordiing to the terms of the truce, the Dutch got the islands of Chettuva, and The Zamorin was constrained to pay the war indemnity of 85000 gold coins.  This agreement made the Dutch masters of Malabar.  

These political developments made the English abandon their earlier policy of non-intervention in local politics (as suggested by Thomas Roe), and slowly gravitated to the system of fortified posts, and finally the acquisition of territory. The English also helped the Zamorin in his wars with the Dutch. There were complaints about the greed and treachery of the native merchants. Therefore, in 1710, the Zamorin allowed them to force all natives to prove the value of the articles supplied by them by the ordeal of the boiling oil. The Zamorin wrote to Adams, the English Chief: - “ (In consideration of the ) aid ( rendered) at Calicut and money given to my servants, we promise that, in the matter of the contract entered into you by your Toopay, if any dispute be raised by any one in regard to the value of the articles they agreed to supply for money received, I will compel him to deliver the articles or return the money, as may appear just, and subject him besides to an oath. If his hand comes out clean, he will be held innocent and you will have to pay him, as usual, the expenses he may incur (in taking the oath). [246]

The Zamorin again sought the help of the English to face the Dutch threat. But the English had not yet strengthened their position in Malabar.  The Dutch held Robert Adams responsible for the war with the Zamorin.[247] Hamilton also holds the view that part of the money spent by the Zamorin in the war was given by Adams. The early Tellicherry records also show that the Company had advanced loans to the Zamorin and that Adams lent the Zamorin 5,76,492 Fanams on his own responsibility. He also supplied him with munitions and war materials, and allowed him to send provisions to the beleaguered garrison at Chetwai under cover of the English flag.[248] When a war broke out in 1701 between the Zamorin and the Raja of Cochin, the Dutch supported the Cochin Raja.[249] But the Zamorin was fuming with fury for the loss of Chetwai was ceded to the Dutch.[250]

The intimacy between the Zamorin and Adams has been described by Visscher in his Letters. He states: “Mr. Adams, the head of the English in this place, was brought up there from a child, having, from his youth, traded with the people of Malabar; he acquired a familiarity with their language which gained for him much influence among them. In consequence of this advantage, he was chosen by the English as their Governor. Being an enemy to our Company, he incited the Zamorin to the late war, himself lending, in order to promote it, 100,000 rix dollars, with which that Prince defrayed the expenses of the war. We have no reason to doubt this story, since he even sent English officers to assist the Zamorin, to defend Fort Paponette against our arms.”[251] The Dutch looked upon the English as their sworn enemy, although they wanted to have some dealings with the Portuguese and the French.  Visscher says: … when Chetwa was conquered by the Zamorin, and our people expelled, the English immediately erected a factory there, in order to secure the pepper-trade; this factory was destroyed when the fort was re-taken. From all this, it is evident that the Dutch have but  little good to expect from the English, and that they cannot prevent that people from playing their game slyly whenever it is in their power.”[252]

The activities of the pirates and ‘interlopers’ also caused much concern for the English factors. The year 1698 saw the Company's trade almost extinguished owing to the depredations of the sea rovers and the hostility aroused against Europeans. Every letter brought accounts of the pirates and the losses occasioned by them. The English themselves recruited the notorious pirate, Captain Kidd, to serve as their protector in Indian waters. He began his career as a pirate by seizing vessels at Calicut.  Early in the year, Kidd captured the Quedah Merchant, a country ship bound from Bengal to Surat, belonging to some Armenian merchants who were on board. The captain was an Englishman named Wright; the gunner was a Frenchman, and there were two Dutchmen. This was the best prize made by Kidd, and yielded some £10,000 or £12,000, which was at once divided among the crew of the Adventure, Kidd's forty shares being one-fourth of the whole.[253]  BBC magazine says: “Kidd is thought to have been born in Scotland's Greenock or the Dundee area in about 1645. He was appointed by the Crown to tackle piracy and capture enemy French ships, but turned to piracy himself. In 1698, he looted the Armenian ship the Quedagh Merchant, which was apparently sailing under a French pass. Unfortunately for Kidd, the captain of the ship was an Englishman, and it is thought that a large amount of the cargo belonged to the British East India Company.Capt Kidd was captured and brought back to London. He was found guilty of piracy and the murder of one of his crewmen during a row in 1697, and sentenced to death. [254]  It is quite bizarre that Capt Kidd who was first appointed by the British authorities to tackle piracy but later became a ruthless criminal and was executed in 1701. [255] Many English factors seem to have carried on their own private trade, violating the Company rules, and there were also instances of corrupt practices. Robert Adams, for instance, made an excellent personal profit by importing Bengal opium and sending it up-river on empty pepper boats of the Company.[256]

The friendship between the Zamorin and the English grew steadily, and he went out of the way to help them. He did not allow the French to settle on the right bank of the Chetwai which was still under his control. [257] They were also prohibited from entering the Kotta River.[258] Even though other foreign ships were brought under the prerogative of wrecks, the Zamorin did not apply it on the English ships.[259] He even went to the extent of protecting the English from the Moors. [260] While the other Europeans had to pay duties, the English were given special exemption.[261]When the English first came to Malabar the Zamorin was not willing to permit the English to cover their factory with tiles. But in 1759 he wrote to the English:- “ I permit you to cover your Factory at Calicut with the tiles this 24^th October 935, Malabar Style, which done carry on your Contracts in the best manner and I hope you will assist me at any time I may have occasion for it.”[262]

The Zamorin, counting on English support, attacked the Dutch while they were fortifying Chetwai. As it was a sudden attack, the Dutch were defeated and they had to abandon Chetwai. The Dutch again tried in February to take back Chetwai but were defeated with considerable loss. In all these encounters the Zamorin enjoyed the active support of the English. Fort St. George approved of the policy of the English especially that of Robert Adams and in a letter the authorities laid stress on the fact that if the Zamorin was to be actively supported by the English that “he might prevent the Dutch designs to engross the pepper trade on that coast.”[263] The Zamorin constructed a fort at Papponetti and some English officers were seen among the garrison.[264] The Zamorin ordered the fort of Chetwai to be destroyed and the English at once hoisted their flag.

The Dutch were waiting for a chance to teach a lesson to the Zamorin at whose hands they had received repeated blows. The Dutch authorities at Batavia were equally anxious to restore the prestige of the Dutch and they wanted to send immediate help.. The Calicut factors reported that the Dutch had mounted an attack on the Zamorin, but were confident, at the same time, that the Zamorin could defeat the Dutch.[265] They again reported that a strong reinforcement had arrived from Batavia to be used against the Zamorin and that the Dutch had seized several English vessels including the one owned by Robert Adams.[266] The Zamorin, with the help of the English, sent additional men, munition and provisions to his commanders at Chetwai. He assembled a huge army at Chowghat which frightened the Cochin Raja and his friend Shankaran Kota Kaimal. [267]

The Dutch Admiral and Commander-in-Chief, William Jacobtz, attacked Papponetti and captured it on February 16, 1717.[268] The Calicut Chief and Council wrote to Fort St. George about the arrival of a strong squadron of Dutch ships with thousands of soldiers but they again expressed their confidence that the Zamorin would finally win.[269] But the Dutch won victories in many places, and Chetwai was captured without resistance. According to Visscher the Dutch could have even captured Calicut but for the sudden decision of William Jacobte not to proceed further.[270] The Zamorin was defeated and he signed a peace treaty with the Dutch promising that he would give commercial privileges and territories to them and that he would not allow the English, the French and the Portuguese to carry on trade in his country. [271]The Zamorin was to pay 85,000 fanams and to dismiss Tamme Panikkar, the hero of Chetwai adventure.[272]

The Dutch success at Chetwai made them aggressive and they followed a deliberate policy of intervention in the affairs of the minor kingdoms like Purakkad, Kayamkulam, Karappuram and Quilon with a view to establishing their predominant influence on the Kerala coast. They patrolled the coast from Chetwai to Ponnani to prevent the export of pepper by the English.[273] The Zamorin did not lose heart. He wanted to organize an all-Kerala confederacy against the Dutch and he employed one Padmanabha Pattar to bring about this alliance. Padmanabha Pattar visited Kayamkulam, Vadakkilamkur, Thekkilamkur and Parur, and in the following year their representatives came to Ponnani to finalise the course of action.[274]In the meanwhile Van Ishoff drew out a plan for annexing the various states and for bringing them under the Dutch so as to counteract the growth of the British power in Kerala. But the appearance of Martanda Varma as the most powerful ruler in Travancore completely offset the cunning designs of Van Ishaff.  The Battle of Colachel decided the fate of the Dutch in Kerala politics. As Woodcock says: “It was not, by the standards of most wars, a great battle; comparatively few people were killed, and the Dutch made their escape, leaving only a few cannon, many muskets and 24 European prisoners. But the moral effect of the victory was immense, increasing greatly Martanda Varma’s prestige as the first Keralan prince to inflict a decisive blow on the Dutch, and, so far as the Dutch themselves were concerned, ending any visions they may once have had of maintaining their dominant trading position by acting as arbiters between the native princes.”[275]  Looking back, with Dutch naval power rising rapidly as a major force from the late 16th century, the Netherlands dominated global commerce during the second half of the 17th century during a cultural flowering known as the Dutch Golden Age. The first phase of the Dutch outward thrust, covering the years 1585‑97, was exploratory and entirely commercial. After 1636 Dutch fleets annually blockaded Goa and the entire Malabar Coast. The Dutch East India Company’s ("Vereenigde Landsche Ge-Oktroyeerde Oostindische Compagnie” or VOC) factories dotted the coast line of the subcontinent of India from Surat to Bengal. The Netherlands lost many of its colonial possessions, as well as its global power status, to the British when the metropole fell to French armies during the Revolutionary Wars. In Kerala, the emergence of Marthanada Varma as a strong ruler and the escalation of the British suzerainty in Malabar and in other parts of India put an end to the designs of the Dutch to have overseas territories in India. External circumstances also affected the Dutch trade system. . Until the beginning of the 18th century the Dutch could stiIl hold their own economically as weIl as militarily, but they then soon started to faIl behind their European rivals. In India the Company's position was influenced by the combined action of several factors, the increasing foreign competition, the lack of stability in the country's political situation and the indifference shown by Batavia to send timely military assistance.  The decreasing profits from the inter-Asiatic trade strengthened the tendency of reducing military expenses and in view of the changed character of the Dutch Company (VOC) its naval squadrons, the crux of its power in former days, virtually ceased to exist. As has been correctly pointed out for the fall of the Dutch: “During the great trial of strength between the English and the French about the middle of the century the Dutch often had even insufficient means to have their neutrality respected. Factories had to be cIosed or were destroyed and Dutch trade in Coromandel suffered heavily. Only once, in 1759, a feebie attempt was made to turn the tide by sending a fleet to Bengal, but this badly executed expedition ended in a complete failure. Henceforth the Dutch had to resign themselves to the fact that the English had grown too strong.”[276]

 

In the meantime the English wanted to find out the reaction of the Zamorin to the continuance of their factory at Calicut. Whenever a new Zamorin came to the throne there would be a change in his attitude, and the English had to wait in anxiety. They had plans to make expensive repairs in their Calicut factory and therefore they wanted to ascertain whether the Zamorin would allow them to stay on peacefully at Calicut. [277] But the Zamorin wanted customs duties, from which the English had been exempted earlier. English ships were also subjected to harassment. One Kunhikutti Ali, a pirate living under the protection of the Zamorin, seized one vessel belonging to the English. Therefore, an expedition was sent to his place at Cota. The English captured some vessels and burnt some houses with a view to preventing further harassment.[278]

The British had to face another intruder from Canara. In Malabar history, whenever an invasion took place in any kingdom of a Malabar raja, its reverberation could be felt in all other kingdoms of other Rajas in the region. We have already discussed the Canarese invasion of Kolathiri kingdom ' supra ', p.18.  When Somasekhara Nayak II of Bednur invaded Chirakkal targeting the Prince Regent of Kolathunad, the prince   approached the Zamorin for help. The Canarese proceeded to capture the famous Taliparamba temple. There were five prominent protectors for the temple, and the Zamorin was one among them. When the trustees of the temple pleaded for the Zamorin’s help, he agreed to send his soldiers. The Zamorin and the Prince Regent of Kolathunad met in January 1732 and agreed to fight the Canarese.[279]The combined army had a total strength of about 40,000 soldiers. But the Zamorin’s army did not have a good commander, so much so the soldiers retreated in panic without striking a blow. The Kolathunad troops also did not fare well and the Canarese easily seized Taliparamba. The temple authorities fled to Kottayam carrying with them a huge treasure hoarded in the temple. After fortifying Taliparamba, the Canarese moved on to Valarpattanam.[280]

The English prestige suffered a setback during the period of Dorril’s administration, as discussed (' supra ', ch.2), and all the local Rajas, led by the Prince Regent rose against the English. Dorril was isolated and all Malabar rulers were up in arms against the British, except Ali Raja of Cannanore who halfheartedly promised to remain neuter. Dorril’s insane planning and strategy emboldened the French to strengthen their position in Malabar. Bombay Commissioners were alarmed at the perils of Dorril’s wrong administrative measures and they appointed Thomas Hodges as the new chief. Hodges friendly gestures helped the English to regain the ground that the English had lost during Dorril’s period. Although he avoided war, he was bent upon expelling the French from Nileswaram.  The Zamorin was requested to visit the Tellicherry factory and he accepted the request and paid a friendly visit to Tellicherry and expressed his willingness to help the English.[281] His visit had a salutary effect on the country powers. The factors at Tellicherry looked upon the Zamorin as their ally. When the Prince Regent instigated Mangat Achan to revolt against the Zamorin, the English at once passed on the news to the Zamorin.

The Mysorean Interlude

As has been pointed out before, every invasion in any part of Malabar by the colonial powers it would have its fallout in the whole province.  The British had to face another danger in their dealings with the Zamorin. After displacing Nanjaraj, the prime minister of Mysore, and making the raja a prisoner in his own palace. Hyder became the ruler of Mysore in 1761.  He learnt the military tactics of Dupleix, collected enough military equipments and enrolled 30 Europeans as gunners. Thus was formed the first Indian-controlled corps of sepoys armed with firelocks and bayonets and backed by artillery served by Europeans. Although Hyder was engaged in wars in Kanara to consolidate his position, it was Zamotin’s invasion of Palakkad that drew his attention to the political situation in Malabar.  The Zamorin would not allow small kingdoms to survive and there were a series of attacks on Valluvanad, and after capturing the territory from Erand to Nedunganad, his ambition goaded him to attack Palakkad and without much difficulty he brought Naduvattom under his control. Naduvattom was a strategic defence bastion for Palakkad and its capture by the Zamorin was a great blow to Komi Achan, the Raja of Palakkad. From Logan’s narration we understand that Achan requested Hyder Ali’s faujdar stationed at Dindugal to protect him from the avaricious Zamorin. He ordered the faujdar to send a massive force under Makhdoom Ali.  The Zamorin’s forces had to flee before Makhdom Ali and Palakkad was restored to Achan. Dutch records also show Hyder’s intervention in Palakkad. In a letter to Colombo Dutch Commander Breekpot spoke of a second Mysorean army which had penetrated into the eastern parts of the Zamorin's dominions via Palghat.[282] This was the first instance that brought Hyder Ali’s forces to Malabar. Palakkad victory gave Hyder the knowledge of enormous wealth and vast treasuries of Malabr Rajas obtained though overseas spice trade.

Dutch records reveal that Hyder was in close contact with the Dutch during this period. In February 1762 the Dutch Commander at Cochin, Weyerman, wrote to Batavia that the Zamorin of Calicut, who at that time still was at war with Travancore, “was greatly to be pitied as several enernies had sworn his ruin.”[283]  The Dutch was in good terms with the Rjas of Cochin and Travancore.  Weyennan 33333339999999informed Batavia about the situation in Malabar on the basis of “a letter from Haidar Ali of 2 January 1762 in which it was said he understood that there was a close alliance between the raja of Cochin and the Dutch Company. The Zamorin had again invaded the kingdom of Cochin and, consequently, “Haidar requested the Company to do something about it. He gathered that at present the Company had insufficient man-power, but he hoped this would soon be remedied so that the Zamorin might be expelled from Cochin. Haidar himself was also going to assist this country, for he had always maintained good relations with it. It was his intention, therefore, to march against the Zamorin with a considerable army by the 10th of January. The Company should also take the field and was requested to let him know when it intended to give battle.”[284]

 When Hyder Ali invaded Malabar the Zamorin proved to be a loyal ally of the English, although he was not powerful enough to deal with Hyder. The attempt of the Zamorin to block Hyder’s troops from crossing the Kotta River was a miserable failure. In a desperate bid to stave off the impending disaster, the Zamorin went to the extent of meeting Hyder in person and expressed his willingness to come to a settlement. He offered him all his treasure and property, but Hyder demanded from the Zamorin a colossal sum of a crore of gold mohurs. The Zamorin expressed his inability to comply with the extravagant demand and returned to Calicut, closely pursued by Hyder. Realizing that the time at his disposal was short as the monsoon was approaching, Hyder kept the Zamorin and his ministers under restraint.  The feelings of the Zamorin were deeply hurt by the enforced confinement which prevented him from fulfilling his daily religious duties.[285]He was also afraid that Hyder might further humiliate him or perhaps compel him to accept Islam.  Campbell narrates the final hours of the Zamorin: “The Zamorins, or kings of Calicut, were ascertained to entertain 1200 Bramins in their household, and until they had first been served with victuals, he never began to eat himself; it was etiquette also, that he never spoke to, or suffered a Mohamedan to come into his presence. Hydar, after taking the place, sent his compliments, and desired to see the Zamorin, but was refused; but the Zamorin admitted the head of Bramin to speak to him, and carry his answer back to his master, who was to be at some distance from them. After this interview was over, Hyder sent  rice for only 500 men the first day; this they dispensed with; the second day he sent enough for 100; and the third day, only for 100; after which, all further supplies were refused, nor any notice taken of the Zamorin’s complaints and applications. After fasting three days, and finding all remonstrances vain, he set fire to his own palace, and was burned, with some his women and three Bramins, the rest having left him.” [286]   Dutch records give another account: “…it was learnt that the Zamorin with five of his ministers had been taken into custody at Calicut. Previously, on the 14th, he had met Haidar and undertaken to supply him with 20 lakhs of rupees and 20 elephants. Soon afterwards the news came that the Zamorin had committed suicide by setting fire to the house in which he was detained.” [287]  The Zamorin’s heir took asylum in Travancore. With the death of the Zamorin, Malabar virtually came under Hyder’s control. As K.M. Panikkar says: “Hyder being the master of the ancient territories of the Zamorin and the inheritor, therefore, to all the claims which the powerful arm of the Manavikrama kings had    maintained through ages, was now in a position to contemplate the conquest of Cochin and Travancore.”[288]  Meanwhile, as the monsoon was fast approaching, Hyder retired to Coimbatore leaving behind him a movable column of 3,000 regular troops aided by Ali Raja and his men at Calicut.

The moment Hyder left for Coimbatore, there broke out rebellions all over Malabar. Mysorean blockhouses at Ponnani and Calicut were besieged, and the Kottayam and Kadathanad Nayars recaptured many places.[289] Raza Khan, Hyder’s lieutenant, who had set up headquarters at Madukkarai, rushed to Ponnani. The weather was not favourable and the monsoon had made rivers unfordable and he was caught in a trap at the confluence of the Tuta and Ponnani rivers, whence he could neither advance on account of the swollen rivers nor retreat on account of the enemy. When Hyder came to know about the plight of Raza Khan, he made a bold dash for Malabar with a force of 1000 infantry and 3000 cavalry, besides 300 Europeans newly arrived from Pondicherry and 12 pieces of cannon.  “Burning and pillaging, leaving a trail of ruins, he came like Tamerlane.”[290]Hyder’s revenge on the Nayar population was horrible. With their headquarters at Manjeri, Hyder’s troops carried on a systematic Nayar hunt.[291] At first Hyder beheaded or hanged them, but as their numbers increased, he decided upon a more ingenious method. The Nayars were collected in concentration camps and transported to colonies in Mysore. According to Wilks the conditions in the camps were so bad that out of 15,000 deported from Malabar only 200 survived to return home.

Meanwhile, Hyder had to face a Mahratta invasion under the redoubtable Madhava Rao. He rushed back to Mysore leaving a large force in the country to hold the blockhouses he had constructed. When his departure was known, Malabar once again rose in rebellion. In Kottayam, a Mysorean force of 4,000 men was attacked and routed.[292] The blockhouses were again attacked and destroyed. Hyder’s Civil Governor, Madanna, was shut up at Calicut and the small garrison there was constantly threatened by the Nayars. Hyder now thought of a cunning plan to hoodwink the Malabar Rajas by pretending that he wanted to come to a settlement with them. According to Krishna Ayyar it was Madanna who brought about a settlement with the Rajas of Malabar, and he attributes it to “the genius of a Brahmin.”[293] K.M. Panikkar says that Hyder asked Madanna to open negotiations with the Kerala Chiefs, for he “realized that the Nayars were a difficult people to conquer and Kerala an uneasy place to govern.”[294] But Ayyar and Panikkar were wrong in their assessment of the situation. Hyder being a shrewd and cunning strategist, he wanted to hoodwink the Malabar Rajas for he had to deal with the Mahrattas and the Nizam. He wanted a short period of respite so that he could concentrate on the defence of his own kingdom. Hyder made three conditions for the withdrawal of his troops from Malabar and the surrender of his annexations: 1. That compensation should be paid to him for the expenditure incurred by him in the conquest of Malabar, 2. That Ali Raja of Cannanore should be left undisturbed, and that 3. Palghat with its fortress should remain in his possession. When the Malabar Rajas readily accepted the terms and contributed heavy sums of money for “the purchase of a dream of independence”,[295] Hyder withdrew his forces in December 1768 and left for Mysore.

The Zamorin returned to Calicut, and the years 1768 – 1773 were uneventful, for Hyder was busy with his campaigns against the Mahrattas. By 1773 Hyder had fended off the various threats to his kingdom, and after the monsoon was over he sent a strong Mysore force in December 1773 under Sreenivasa Rao through the passes of Wayanad into Malabar.[296] When the Zamorin came to know of this, he approached the French at Mahe for help against Hyder and concluded a treaty with the Governor M.Duprat. According to the terms of the treaty he “submitted himself his country and subjects to the King of France and obtained promise of protection against his enemies.”[297] Duprat at once landed at Calicut with a detachment of French troops and the Zamorin handed over to him the administration of his kingdom. French flags were hoisted and Duprat informed Hyder’s General that the Zamorin had been brought under French protection. But it did not have any effect on the General and he continued his march towards Calicut. Duprat was upset by the impetuous behavior of Sreenivasa Rao and he left Calicut in haste for Mahe on the very same vessel in which he had arrived. Sreenivasa Rao occupied Calicut and the French flags were slightingly pulled down. The French had let down the Zamorin. In utter dismay he sought the help of the Dutch. The Dutch did not allow him to take shelter in their territory. “So he retired with his family to the south in a native vessel to the kingdom of Travancore.” [298] Dutch records reveal that Haidar was keen on seizing the treasures of the Zamorin, although the Zamorin has fled Calicut.  As  Lohuizen narrates on the basis of Dutch Records: “ On 12 May, one day after the Zamorin had left Cranganore territory, Moens received another letter from Chandra Rao in which he was requested to hand over the Zamorin and his relatives as well as their treasures. In case Moens failed to do so Chandra Rao threatened to proceed with his army from Chowghat to fetch them. Moens replied the next day that the imputation that the Company had granted Haidar's enemy a stay at Cranganore was baseless. If it could be proved that treasures had been hidden at Cranganore the Company was willing to give assistance in tracing them, as had been offered in a similar case in 1766.”[299]   After encountering many difficulties and even danger to his life, the Zamorin finally managed to reach Travancore. The Maharaja of Travancore “found it his privilege to give his protection and his help to a brother ruler of Malabar who had fallen from his high estate and was cast adrift into the world. It is a significant title to the Maharaja’s greatness that he forgave the Zamorin, though he had played an important part against Travancore, some years previously by placing himself at the head of the confederacy of the princes and potentates who assembled their forces at Purakkad.” [300]

But the Princes of the Zamorin’s family remained in Malabar, and Ravi Varma of the Padinjare Kovilakam carried on the war by adopting guerilla tactics.[301] As Hyder had to make elaborate preparations for his campaigns against Travancore, he thought of utilizing the Malabar Rajas as his agents. He abandoned the system of direct government through officers sent from Mysore. Accordingly, he nominated the Regent of Kolathunad to the Government of his ancestral domains in Chirakkal. The Kadathanad Raja made peace with Hyder and was received as a tributary on paying a fine of two lakhs of rupees and his future annual Jumma was fixed at 50,000 Rupees.[302] The Kottayam Raja refused to submit to similar terms. The Chirakkal Raja agreed to be a vassal of Hyder, and “he was established not only in his own domain of Cherrical but also in Cotiote, including Wynaad and Nambolacottah, together with Iruvanaad, on paying a fine of entry to the amount, as it is differently stated, of tow Lacs and sixty eight thousand, [303]or four Lacs of Rupees, with an annual Jumma of one Lac and twenty five thousand Rupees.” Hyder also allowed Ravi Varma “to make a small proportional collection from the country for his own support.”[304] According to the agreement the Zamorin was to be reinstated in return for a fixed tribute. Hyder’s representatives met Ravi Varma and carried on negotiations. But their talks broke down suddenly. The movements of Hyder’s soldiers kindled the suspicion of Ravi Varma, and without proceeding further with the talks, he abruptly returned to Nedunganad.[305] Ravi Varma went over to the English and helped them by carrying on guerilla warfare.

In 1778 the Nayars rose in rebellion in many parts of Malabar. The English incited the rulers of Calicut, Kadathanad and Kottayam to join together to throw off the yoke of Mysore.[306]  During the period 1740-1760 when France and England were involved in wars in Europe, their repercussion was also felt in India as well. The English wanted to drive the French out of Mahe. Hyder was getting Military supplies from Mahe and, therefore, he wanted to thwart the attempts of the English and ordered the Chirakkal Raja to help the French with all his forces. The Regent of Chirakkal went to Mahe with a Nayar force to help the French. Hyder also sent another contingent from Coorg. The English wanted to take a firm action against both Hyder and the French. They also wanted to demonstrate their strength to the country powers so that they would stand by them during this crisis. A considerable naval force was organized and a powerful army under Captain Walker was kept in readiness. On March 3, 1779 Colonel Braithwaite with a powerful battalion landed on the Malabar Coast. Two weeks later Major Clifton brought 3 companies of artillery. When the English position became stronger, the Zamorin and the Kottayam Raja openly supported the English. The Tellicherry diary contains a copy of a letter about the secret news they received “from the Ministers of Cotiote and Cartenaddu.”[307] The diary also contains a resolution “to despatch a small force to the aid of the King of Cotiote against Moi Moopa”[308]

The English also supplied the Kottayam Raja with arms and ammunitions to attack the Chirakkal Raja who was attempting to blockade Tellicherry from the land side. On May 7, 1779 Sir Edward Hughe’s squadron came into the roads with troops and stores. Major Abington, the “Major Commandant” sailed with the fleet on May 17^th. The Tellicherry diary contains a copy of a letter from the Factors to Sir Edward Hughes, “advising of their inability to water His Majesty’s squadron on account of the scarcity of boats.” [309] On December 30, 1781, reinforcements arrived from Bombay and it consisted of the 2^nd and 8^th battalion of sepoys and 40 artillery men with four 6 pounders, and lasers. The Kottayam Raja attacked the Mysore army from the rear, and after defeating Sirdar Khan, Major Abington marched on Calicut, which fell in February 1782. The Tellicherry factors dutifully reported to the Select Committee at Bombay about the repulse of the enemy, and gave a detailed account “of the mortal wound received by Sader Khan, of the application of the King of Cotiote for a supply of military stores, of the assistance given by the Beebee of Cannanore to Sader Khan, and of the confinement of the Prince of Cotiote to render any active assistance for want of ammunition.”[310] Mahe fell to the British at 5 a.m. on the 9^th.

Having won their immediate objective, the English left the Zamorin and the other princes of Malabar to their own resources and withdrew from the war. But soon war broke out between the English and Hyder. The English at once entered into negotiations with the Zamorin and the other princes of Malabar for a concerted action against Mysore. In the meantime the Nayars rose all over the country to crush Hyder’s power on the West Coast. Ravi Varma of the Padinjare Kovilakam actively supported the English, and this enabled the English to advance further into Malabar. The English troops under Major Abington took Calicut on February 13, 1782.[311] In another entry of the diary it is recorded that instructions were “given to the Resident and Major Abington on their deputation to Calicut to negotiate with the country powers there for the purpose of renewing the Company’s grants and privileges.”[312]

Palghat was now the only place of importance left in Hyder’s hands. Hyder at once sent a powerful expeditionary force under Mukhdum Ali. Major Abington requested the Presidency to take immediate steps for “the expulsion of the enemy from the Malabar country and preservation of passes leading to that place and for giving every assistance to Col. Humberetone in his expedition against Cannanore.”[313]  Dutch sources reveal that Rama-Varma was more than ever convineed that his country would not be safe from Haidar until the British had taken Cranganore and Cochin. He, therefore, urged Humberstone to capture these towns and also tried to persuade the raja of Cochin to take the side of the British against the Dutch, but Cochin Raja vehemently opposed Rama Varma’s plan of action. The Dutch commander, Van Angelbeek, “received information, however, that Humberstone had replied to Travancore that Palghat should first be taken in order to prevent the Mysoreans from disturbing them while besieging Cochin. The British were willing to carry out these plans if Rama Varma would provision and pay their troops during two months and join them with 4,000 men of his own.”[314] Mukhdum entered Malabar via the Palghat pass with a force of over 7000 troops and marched towards Calicut. Col. Humberetone’s troops, assisted by Ravi Varma’s Nayars, advanced towards Palghat and met Mukhdum’s forces at Tirurangandi.[315] Mukhdum was trapped near a deep river in the rear, and without any way for retreat Mukhdum and a large number oh men were killed by Humberston[316]. The remaining Mysore troops rallied at Ramgiri Fort (on the road from Cherpulasseri to Pattambhi in Palghat District), only to be routed again by the English. The Factors reported to the Select Committee at Bombay about “the capture of the Fort of Ramagerry by Colonel Humberston and about Prince Charikka’s employment in extorting money from the inhabitants of Deela to satisfy the demands of the Mangalore government.”[317] Humberston chalked out a plan for capturing Palghat. He knew that it was a difficult task, and therefore, made extensive preparations. Talks between the British and Travancore about a combined expedition against Palghat led to an agreement and part of the 4,000 Travancorean troops gathered near Cranganore.  According to Dutch sources the Dalawa Gopala Iyen and his assistant Chempaka Raman Pillai wanted to march with the troops to the English army “along the shortest way in which case they would have to pass the fort of Cranganore. But the Dutch refused to permit this and the troops had to make a detour through the northeastern districts of Travancore in order to be able to join the English. In September the forces set out for Palghat. According to Le Couteur, who was with the English troops, they stayed for a short while at Ponnani in order to keep Haidar and the Dutch equally in doubt with respect to their future intentions.[318] Humberston marched with six 6 - pounders, ten 9-pounders and the remainder of his force to” reconnoiter the country and the fortresses of Palghatcherry.” While returning to the headquarters after the reconnoitering expedition, he was attacked from the rear by a new Mysore army which had crossed the mountain under the command of Hyder’s son, Tipu, and he retreated once again by forced march to the coast, where he handed over command to the newly arrived Colonel Macleod.[319] A few days later news reached Tipu that Hyder Ali was dead, and he rushed back to Mysore to be crowned as Sultan.[320] The absence of Tipu in Malabar was not fully utilized by he English. They could have forged an alliance with the local Rajas to crush the Mysorean authority in Malabar. But the Bombay Government which supervised the Malabar affairs was unaware of the retreat of Tipu, and a good opportunity was lost. Macleod was recalled by the Bombay Government and General Mathews was appointed in his place.[321] But General Mathews, instead of attacking Tipu’s forces in Malabar, proceeded to Bednur.[322]The Madras Council, however, realized the strategic importance of Malabar, and wanted to capture the fort of Palghat which was the major stronghold of Tipu in the area. Col. Fullerton marched from Palany through the Anamalai forests to capture the fort of Palghat. On November 15, 1785 Fullerton captured Palghat after a successful siege and handed it over to the Zamorin.[323] He also got a vast quantity of provisions and a lot of money.[324] After occupying the fort, he appointed Captain Dewar, one of the ablest officers, to supervise the operation. He stationed 19^th battalion with a few Europeans and some irregulars to garrison the place. The heir apparent to the Zamorin left his retirement in the woods and remained with him during the siege.[325]

The heir apparent to the Zamorin requested Fullerton to restore him to his ancestral domains from which Hyder had removed him. After promising him that he would sympathetically consider his case, he asked him to remain in Palghat to defend the fort.[326] Fullerton could have gone to Calicut and brought the whole country between Palghat and Calicut under the English. But he lost a good opportunity by going to Coimbatore with the object of proceeding to Mysore. The Zamorin remained in Palghat, and he was assisted by four battalions of Travancore sepoys who came to Palghat at the request of Fullerton. But the Zamorin soon abandoned Palghat and retired into the mountains. Fullerton gives the following account for the Zamorin abandoning Palghat. “The Zamorin and his followers of the Nayar caste are rigid Gentoos and venerate the Brahmins. Tipu’s soldiers, therefore, daily exposed the heads of many Brahmins in sight of the fort. It is asserted that the Zamorin, rather than witness such enormities, chose to abandon Palghautcherry.”[327]Tipu’s forces at once occupied the fort, and Tipu’s authority was once again established from Palghat to the Kotta River.

In 1784 the English concluded peace with Tipu by signing the Treaty of Mangalore.[328] But the claims of the Malabar Rajas were abandoned by inserting a clause in the treaty which declared that these former associates of the British were the “friends and allies” of Tipu. This was a great victory for Tipu, for it was tacit recognition of his suzerainty over Malabar. Tipu’s officers oppressed the civilian population. Heer Ibrahim, the military Governor of Tipu, broke all the earlier treaties with the Princes, and imposed heavy exactions. There were rebellions in many places, and even the Mappilla Muslims of Ernad under the leadership of Erukkal broke into open rebellion.[329] The position was so alarming that Archad Beg Khan sought the help of Ravi Varma of the Zamorin’s family, who had been carrying on a guerilla was against Tipu. By messages and promises he prevailed on Ravi Varma to join his. Finally the rebellion was put down. Archad Beg Khan was so pleased with the timely help of Ravi Verma that he gave him “ a considerable Jagir.”[330]

In January 1788, the Zamorin sent his Kariakkar, or minister, Swaminatha Pattar, with Arshad Beg Khan to Seringapatnam to negotiate the terms of his restoration.[331] In April Tipu himself came to Calicut. [332]But his actions aroused the suspicion of the Zamorin, for Tiipu, “after inflicting severe punishments on some who had engaged in the late Mappilla rebellion excited by the Goorkul, he made known his wish to effect the conversion of all his Hindu subjects to his own faith. But no violent measures appear to have been used on his part on this occasion except that he lavished a general contribution on the Country which accounted it is calculated to 12, 00,000 Rupees.”[333]

Tipu could not stay longer in Calicut due to the onset of monsoon and before leaving for Coimbatore, had asked the Zamorin to send an envoy to finalise the negotiations. The Zamorin sent Kishen Raja to Coimbatore to carry on talks with him. Kishen Raja was “fattened with the hopes of his family’s reinstatement, provided they would assist him in his projected conquest of the Travancore country.”[334] Kishan Raja readily agreed and he even received an overdraft for an advance of money for this purpose. Krishna Ayyar is of the opinion that Kishen Raja agreed to support Tipu under duress. “To escape from the Tiger’s grip Kishen Rajah outwardly acquiesced in the proposal. And elated with with success of his diplomacy the Sultan actually gave Kishen Rajah an order on his treasury at Calicut for an advance of money. But as soon as Kishen Rajah found himself safe in Malabar he denounced the treaty and repudiated the agreement.”[335] But this contention does not seem to be correct. The Zamorin actually wanted to effect a rapprochement with Tipu, for he was keen on his reinstatement. Otherwise, he would not have sent Kishen Raja to carry on talks with the Sultan. On an earlier occasion Ravi Varma got a pension and a jaghir from Tipu for his help in putting down the rebellion of Kurukkal.[336] In January 1788, the Zamorin’s Kariakkar, Swaminatha Pattar, was sent to Seringapattam to negotiate the terms of the Zamorin’s restoration. From these acts it is obvious that the Zamorin wanted to maintain friendly relations with the Sultan. It is not correct, therefore, to argue that Kishen Raja repudiated the agreement with Tipu when he “found himself safe in Malabar.” But what actually prompted him to reverse his earlier stand was the ill-timed and mistaken policy of Tipu in sending orders to his Dewan at Calicut to commence the work of proselytism. The Tellicherry factors came to know from a Brahmin that there was “a report prevailing that the Nabob had issued orders for all the Brahmins on the coast to be seized and sent up to Seringapatam”[337] On July 20, 1788 the factors received a news from Calicut that “200 Brahmins had been seized and confined, made Mussulmen, and forced to eat beef and other things contrary to their caste.” [338] On August 27, 1788 the factors received identical notes from the Kottayam and Kadathunad Rajas saying that they could no longer trust Tipu, and requesting the factors “to take the Brahmans, the poor, and the whole kingdom under their protection.”[339]

Ravi Varma became the leader of oppressed people and all the Hindus rallied round him to resist the oppressor. There were rebellions all over Malabar. The Tellicherry merchants living under the Company’s protection supplied the rebels with gunpowder and “shott”. Therefore, the Governor of Calicut wrote in September an angry protest to the factors regarding the supply of gunpowder.[340] About 30,000 Brahmins with their families and wives escaped to Travancore with the active assistance of Ravi Varma.[341] When Tipu’s officers laid violent hands on the Karanavappad of Manjeri, a principal Nayar Land holder, the whole of Southern districts rose up in arms, and after becoming masters of the interior country, they moved on to Calicut. The leader of this rebellion was Ravi Varma, and he made himself master of the open country. Tipu at once sent 6,000 native troops and 170 Europeans under Lally and Mir Asr Ali Khan who succeeded in driving Ravi Varma away from Calicut. But they failed to capture Ravi Varma, and he courageously carried on the struggle from other places.

In 1708 Tipu came down to Malabar via the Tamarasseri Ghat. General orders were issued to his army that “every being in the district, without distinction, should be honoured with Islam, that the houses of such as fled to avoid that honour should be burned, that all means of truth and falsehood, fraud or force, should be employed to effect their universal conversion.” [342] The Nayars, however, retreated into the jungles and were relentlessly pursued by Tipu’s soldiers. From their jungle homes the Nayars carried on a kind of guerilla warfare against the enemy forces Hence Tipu organized a regular and systematic Nayar hunt with the help of his soldiers. He then proceeded to Cannanore and, after celebrating the marriage of his son Abdul Khalle with the daughter of Ali Raja of Cannanore, marched along the coast of Chowghat to overcome the people by a show of his power. After leaving a permanent army of occupation in Malabar to frighten the people, Tipu retired to Coimbatore.

Fortunately for the Zamorin, Tipu invaded Travancore in 1790. The English declared war on Tipu, and Lord Cornwallis sent instructions to the Government of Bombay to secure the help of cooperation of the Malabar princes. The Malabar princes were given the assurance that they would be restored to their respective thrones, “on condition if they will submit to be directed by us in carrying on war Tippoo, we will do our utmost to render them in future entirely independent of him, and at the conclusion of the peace to retain them upon reasonable terms under the protection of the Hon’ble Company.” The letter proceeds to add, “that in order to secure a willing obedience from the Malabar Chiefs we should be contented with them paying a very moderate tribute, provided they will give the Company advantageous privileges of commerce, in the valuable productions of the Country.”[343]

Prince Ravi Varma gladly accepted the proposals of the Governor General, and went to Trichinopoly to meet General Meadows, Governor and Commander – in Chief of Madras and settled with him the terms for his family. General Meadows invested Ravi Varma with the management of the affairs of the Zamorin’s kingdom, and it drawn up in the form of a Cowlnama (Deed (Kaul, Arab,) granted for the reclamation of waste land), and was given to Kishen Raja at Coimbatore on September 27, 1791.[344] Kishen Raja was erroneously styled the Zamorin in the Cowlnama while he was only next in succession to the Zamorin.[345]

The declaration of war on Tipu by Cornwallis and the Triple Alliance formed among the English, the Nizam and the Mahrattas to fight Mysore saved Malabar from Tipu’s occupation. After some preliminary negotiations, the Treaty of Seringapatam was concluded in March, 1792. According to the terms of the Treaty “one half of the dominions, which were in possession of Tipoo sultan at the commencement of the present war, shall be ceded to the allies adjacent to the respective boundaries, and agreeable to their selection. [346] According to this treaty the whole of the erstwhile Malabar District except Wayanad Taluk came under the English. Lord Cornwallis issued orders for the appointment of a Commission to enquire into the state of the country and report on the future system of government. General Abercromby, the Governor of Bombay arrived at Cannanore on July 20, 1790 and appointed Mr. Farmer and Major Dow as Commissioners to prepare a plan for a plan for a political settlement. The Commissioners were appointed to “prevent internal dissensions among the Chiefs and to secure under a regular administration of justice, all those advantages to the Company.”[347] Page later on joined the Commissioners. The Commissioners drew up a plan to settle the amount of the tribute. About the middle of 1792 the Commissioners were joined by Duncan and Doddam who were sent from Bengal. The Zamorin, who was the “greatest and the most powerful of all in Malabar,” [348] had to wait now on the Commissioners in all humility to get favours from them.

The period surveyed in this chapter witnessed the disintegration of the Zamorin’s kingdom and, more important, the emergence of a new political order. It is said that “the rise of the British power in India was due to unforeseen occurrences rather than adherence to any fixed line of policy.”[349] The validity of this observation can easily be proved from the traumatic events that occurred in Malabar. From the beginning of their arrival on the Malabar Coast, the English had to encounter the virulent opposition of the Portuguese and the Dutch. Meanwhile the Portuguese power in Kerala fell before the onslaughts of the Dutch, and by the latter half of the seventeenth century the Dutch were the supreme European power in east. The rivalry between the Portugues – in a desperate bid for survival – came to an agreement with the English and provided them port facilities in the ports under their control which enabled the English to export pepper to England direct from Malabar. When the Dutch captured Cochin in 1663 they expelled the English from that port-city and this brought them to the land of the Zamorins who allowed them to trade in Ponnani and Calicut.

From the beginning of their trading activities in India, the English had scrupulously followed the advice of Sir Thomas Roe and kept themselves aloof from interfering in local politics. The first factors who came to Malabar worked as private merchants recognising the titular authority of local Rajas, and adopting conciliatory methods in settling disputes. This policy helped them to reduce initial costs, and gave them sufficient experience that stood them in good stead in later years.

The condition of Malabar in that decade afforded another opportunity to consolidate their position. There was no unity among the Rajas and Malabar was frequently exposed to invasions from the neighbouring kingdoms. The English used this lack of national unity to advance their own commercial interests, which ultimately dragged them into the vortex of Malabar politics. The invasions of Hyder and Tipu emasculated the Zamorin’s kingdom and with that a glorious epoch in Malabar history came to an inglorious end.

The East India Company established posts at strategic points in Malabar, and pushed forward by means of political strategems, bribes, shrewd diplomacy by men like Robert Adams, intrigues, and downright hard work by English merchants and factors. Even after making allowance for all the blunders committed by the English, one cannot deny the effective role of their cautious policy in the building up of their ascendency which finally converted the Company into the most powerful political force in Malabar.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

CHAPTER III

 

THE  EAST INDIA COMPANY AND THE MUSLIM KINGDOM OF CANNANORE

 

The Arakkal House of Cannanore was popularly known as the Ali Rajas, and it was the only Muslim royal family   that could establish its sovereigny over a portion in the Malabar region. The Muslims of Malabar are known as “Mappilas,” and the Arabs were “the progenitors of the Moplahs.[350]” Though the Cannanore kingdom was a small principality – its territory extending to hardly two thousand acres on the mainland – the Arakkal rulers were an unquestioned maritime force and were also known as the “ Azhi Rajas” ( Kings of the oceans). They had conquered the Maldives in the 12 th century and they had, it is supposed, held sway over the Laccadives which the dynasty had inherited as a jagir from the Kolathiri Raja in 1545.[351] Later the British took possession of the island in return for a malikhana (annual allowance to deposed Rajas). The Ninth Degree Channel, dividing the Maldives from the Lacadives, it is still known as the Mameli Channel after the Arakkal Raja who conquered Maldives.

One of the oldest documents unearthed from the royal archives of the Arakkal Ali Rajas is a letter from the King of Constantinople which refers to the Arakkal Begum as the “Sultan and Queen of Malabar” and a friend of Constantinople.[352] But more than a ruling family the Arakkal Rajas, with their maritime experience, were more interested in trade with foreign countries  and held virtual monopoly of the export of turmeric, pepper and coir to European and Arabian countries.

The origin of the Arakkal family is shrouded in obscurity. According to tradition the last Chera ruler brought a jonaka (mappila) and gave him the title the Azhi Raja or the Lord of the Seas.[353] The 18^th century Dutch records say that Ali Raja was related to the Kolathiri. “He (Ali Raja) is of Pollastry extraction. For a certain princess of this  dynasty on account of having had to do with a person of lower standing, had lost her caste or mobility, and in order to some extent to cover up the disgrace, she was given in wedlock to a rich Arabian Moor, on whom was conferred the title of prince and the general name of Ady Raja, meaning in that country ( sic) as much as head of the Moors of that Kingdom ( really Ali Raja: Sea King)”[354] Another theory holds that the first Ali Raja was a Nayar minister of the Kolathiri who accepted Islam and, after violating caste rules, married a Muslim. He was, however, retained in the Kolathiri Raja’s services, and he later on became an independent ruler.[355] There is also a claim that Ali raja was the descendent of the last Chera emperor.[356] While these are the traditional views, a convincing fact has come to light – gleaned from the manuscripts in the Madras Record Office while I was collecting materials for the present paper – tracing the descent of the Ali Rajas from the early Mappila Muslims who settled down in Malabar. It appears that they first settled at the Dharmapattanam Island, and from there they were unjustly driven out by the Kolathiri Raja. This becomes quite evident from a letter written by the Bibi of Cannanoreto Lord William Bentinck, the then Governor of Madras.[357]  She states: one thousand, one hundred and sixty years at Dhurmapatam. One hundred years after – my ancestors by degrees cleared away an extensive forest situated on the border of the sea: they cultivated the soil and established themselves in that place, two Generations had resided and permanently settled themselves there.”[358] Then she goes on to narrate the circumstances that made the family leave the Dharmapatam Island. She writes: “It was in the year 903 of the Malabar Era that the Raja of Rootengeree (sic) and some other princes having united their forces poured down on Dharmaputum and after various engagements deprived my family of that possession. My ancestors with their ralations retired to the habitation they themselves had formed, and established. It was called Kunnanoor.:[359] This original letter of the Bibi   which I had accidentally stumbled upon while gathering materials at the Madras Record Office  dispels all earlier speculations and establishes the fact that the ancestors of Ali Raja  established an independent kingdom at Cannanore when the Kolathiri and other  local princes expelled them from Dharmapattanam. This important documentary evidence serves as a solid proof that the Ali Raja family belonged to the original Mappilla settlers and that they had no matrimonial ties with the Kolathiri and other royal families of Malabar. Probably the localpeople living in a caste ridden society were not willing to accept a Muslim as a king and therefore would have invented stories of blood links with the Kolathiris through an ostracized princess. The Bibi has categorically stated in her letter to Bentinck that her “ancestors with their ralations retired to the habitation they themselves had formed, and established. It was called Kunnanoor.”[360]

Early English Relations With the Ali Raja

When the English first came to Malabar, they wanted to cultivate the friendship of all the native rulers.  Ali Raja was very sympathetic to the early English factors, for he was “weary of the Dutch Yoke and would doe anything to be ceased of it.” [361] He sent a messenger to the English requesting them to visit Dharmapatanam. He agreed to supply pepper, cardamom and other spices, and asked them to settle “a factory at Nileswaram, a port to the North of Cannanore.”[362] The Zamorin’s indifferent attitude towards the English factory at Calicut made the factors search for a suitable site in Malabar to open another factory. One of the Princes of the Kolathiri family and Ali Raja advised the English to open a factory at Baliapatanam and Grigby was sent by the factors to work out the details.[363] In spite of Dutch opposition, Grigby and George Bowcher came to an agreement with the Prince, and a factory was established at Baliapatanam. John Petit was made the Chief of the Calicut and Baliapatanam factories. But the English had to face many difficulties during this period. The Dutch were striving hard to establish commercial monopoly on the Malabar Coast an the Mappila Muslims of Cannanore were also placing hurdles on the purchase of pepper. Because of these difficulties the English dropped their original idea of shifting the Calicut factory to Baliapatanam.[364] Another major setback to the Baliapatanam factory was the death of the Prince in 1675 who had been a staunch supporter of the English. This encouraged the Ali Raja to come closer to the Dutch and with their support he created problems for the English.[365] The English were asked to pay customs duties by the Mappilas of Cannanore and this created a rift between them and Ali Raja.[366] Marcell Smith, the Chief of the Malabar factories, requested the authorities to dissolve the Baliapatanam factory, and even before the order came from Bombay, it was wound up on March 20, 1679.

The Muslim kingdom of Cannanore fully exploited the dissensions in the Kolathiri family, and by having a brisk trade with the countries of West Asia it gradually emerged as a separate kingdom. “The family achieved independent status, possibly in the fourteenth century. By the time the Europeans arrived they had become rulers of a small principality at Cannanore, occasionally extended to include territory as far as Tellicherry, a rule that continued to modern times.”[367] Once they became independent, they became a source of perpetual trouble to the Kolathiris. Various reasons have been put forward for the conflicts between the Kolathiri Princes and Ali Raja. According to one version Ali Raja and his men attacked the Chirakkal Raja from an ambush while he was returning from Tellicherry and abducted him to a palace. But he somehow escaped from the palace this made the Prince a sworn enemy of the Ali Raja. This is confirmed by an entry in the diary which states: “the wicked designs of Ali Raja against the person of the young Prince, and how happily he escaped being butchered…” [368] But Visscher gives another reason for the rift.  He says that a quarrel broke out between the Kolathiri Nayars and Ali Raja, and in the sequel some Nayars were killed by the Mappila Muslims. When other Nayars came to know about this, they attacked the Mappilas and killed many of them. The Mappilas wanted to wreak vengeance on the Nayars and they captured the Kolathiri Prince while he was on his way to the Court of the Zamorin to seek his assistance against the Muslims,  and disgraced him by publicly flogging in the bazaar area. When the Kolathiri princes came to know about this incident they besieged Cannanore. The English supported the Kolathiri princes and they were given the assurance that “if the bazaar was conquered and the Moore expelled, the English should have a factory there.”[369] The Dutch assisted the Ali Raja by selling war materials. Robert Adams, the English Chief, brought about a settlement by which the Ali Raja had to pay a huge sum to the Kolathiri Prince as war expenses and he was allowed to have a fortified village in Cannanore.[370]

The Dutch wanted to fish in troubled waters, and they instigated the Ali Raja to create problems for the Prince since he was an ally of the English, On May 12, 1727, the Prince informed the English that the Ali Raja, without any provocation, had attacked his Alicunna fort and requested them to give him arms and supplies to face this threat.[371] But the factors were informed by the Bombay authorities not to lend the Prince money since he owed a considerable sum to the Company. But Robert Adams did not want to lose this friendship of the Prince and he offered to lend something from his own account.[372] With the support given by Robert Adams and with the assistance of Nayar soldiers who came from Tellicherry, the Prince was able to check the moves of the Ali Raja. In the meantime, the Ali Raja attempted to capture Codoly hill on June 6, 1727 which contained a fort built by the Prince to protect the pepper producing Randattara. The English at once sent a detachment to Agarr where they were having a warehouse for collecting pepper. They also wanted to protect Chattoo Chetty, the merchant of the Company, who was staying at Agarr. But the English were stopped at the Dharmapatanam Island by the Ali Raja and was finally sent away after heaping abuses on them.[373] Meanwhile the Mappilas committed certain atrocities, and the Company’s merchant, Chattoo Chetty, reported that the “Moors have entered into the country, broke down the Nair dwellings robbed their women and violated them, pagodas and tanks.[374]

The Kottayam Raja came to the assistance of the Prince Regent and the combined forces took a fort on the Dharmapattanam Island that belonged to the Ali Raja in February 1728. In another encounter, the diary says, the Prince Regent took and destroyed the Mappila settlement at Valarpattanam on February 26, 1728 and killed about 600 persons in the operation. The combined forces finally succeeded in taking Dharmapattanam Island, a stronghold of the Mappilas on February 29, 1728. Ali Raja’s men had to take refuge in the Grove Island (Cacca Diva)[375] and from there they exchanged shots with the Prince Regent’s soldiers on the main island. The factors wrote to Bombay on March 14, 1728 that “Ally Rajah … is sailed for Juddah and all his country save Cannanore entirely destroyed by the Prince.”[376] But in October news came from Bombay that Ali Raja was poisoned at Juddah by his minister,[377] and that “all his effects had been seized on account of presents promised to the Prophet’s tomb.” This news, however, had not disheartened his followers.

The Tellicherry factors wrote to Bombay that Ali Raja’s men were still powerful, and that they were having about 14,000 to 15,000 men in Cannanore. The war went on, and the Prince Regent was in great need of men and supplies. When he approached the Tellicherry factors, they refused to aid him.[378] Therefore, he turned to the Dutch for help, and he was prepared to give them Dharmapattanam Island. [379] Dharmapattanam Island was so vital to the English that they thought of adopting a conciliatory a policy.

In September 1730 the English offered to help the Prince Re gent, and to avoid much expenditure they even resolved to bring about peace between the Prince Regent and the Muslims. The Tellicherry diary says that on November 1, 1730, Braddyl, the Tellicherry Chief had talks with the Prince Regent, and on the 2^nd he got from him a grant of a monopoly of trade in Iruvalinad, Dharmappattanam Island and Randattara. He also gave an assurance that he could not admit either the Dutch or French “to make any Establishment or carry on any Trade in the Country of Erbanadoo, Trentapatam nor Randoo Tarra.”[380] He even gave permission to hoist the English flag, if “either the Dutch or French nation should hereafter pretend to Traffick or settle themselves in any of the aforesaid Countries.”[381] To carry on his war against the Mappilas, Braddyl promised him 20,000 fanams worth of military stores. The help rendered by the English gave the Prince confidence. He attacked Cannanore and triumphantly entered the bazaar area. Although the Muslims had to suffer considerable damages, the Prince failed to capture the fort.[382] The English feared that the Dutch would assist the Prince, and to avoid that danger they gave naval and military assistance to him, and this enabled the Prince to defeat the Mappilas of Cannanore.[383]In the meantime, peace was finally concluded between the Prince Regent and the Mappilas on June 9, 1731, through the mediation of one Kallliad Nambiar.[384] The Mappilas agreed to pay an indemnity of 1,00,000 fanams at once, “ and a similar sum in    

Threat from the Canarese

During the period of the Canarese invasion the Prince Regent and the Ali Raja were vying with one another to curry favour with the invaders.  [386]  At the same time, they wanted to get rid of this menace which was sapping the energy of both. It was a period of intrigues and shifting loyalties and a tense atmosphere prevailed in Malabar. The English and Dutch took an active part in the war of the local princes against the Canarese and used every opportunity to get the assistance of English, but they feared that the Canarese victory would be detrimental to their commercial interests. There were occasions when they extended their support to the Ali Raja. The factors wrote: “Tis very obvious that Cannanore is the only barrier that can withstand the Canarese; none the other powers of this country have provided in any wise for their defence against so powerful an enemy.”[387] But they were shrewd enough to follow a cautious policy without openly identifying themselves with the Mappilas of Cannanore. After a protracted struggle the Canarese won a signal victory over the Mappilas on February 11, 1734.[388] The Dutch acted as mediators, and the Mappilas agreed to pay Rs. 20000 and surrender Codoly to the Canarese.[389] This victory made the Canarese aggressive and they began to challenge the Prince Regent, the English and the Dutch. The English were more concerned about the Dharmapattanam island, and they feared that the Canarese would attack the island at any time.[390] The Canarese acted contrary to their earlier agreements with the Dutch and the English and demanded customs duties on exports from their ports.[391]

But the English were keen on the possession of the Dharmapattanam Island. They feared that the Prince Regent would transfer it to the Canarese. They were also not sure of the loyalty of the Kottayam Raja and they thought that he would give it to the French. If the Dharmapattanam Island fell into the hands of either the Canarese or the French, it would have a damaging effect on the Tellicherry settlement. The English who were till then on the side of the Prince Regent, now thought of making friends with the Bibi of Cannanore to get control over the Darmapattanam Island The English were also fortunate in having at this time a shrewd and skilful Briton, Stephen Law, as the Tellicherry Chief He felt the urgent necessity of bringing the Dharmapattanam Island under the English. Apart from the threat of the Canarese, the French danger also loomed large in Malabar.  Law drew out a plan for the operation, and gave orders to occupy Grove Island lying off the Point of Dharmapattanam. He also succeeded in getting the approval of the Bibi of Cannanore for his plan of action. He entertained the fear that the French would make a sudden attack on the island, for a French ship with the crew was waiting at Mahe at that time. He, therefore, sent Domingl Rodrigues to carry on talks with the Bibi of Cannanore for the acquisition of Dharmapattnam Island.[392]

The Bibi told Rodrigues that the French were also very keen on possessing the island and that     “a person she might confide in and who was present, told her (that) the King of Kottayam had, by writing under his hand, resigned the island of Dharmapattanam to the French fort, their possessing it whenever they might judge it proper …”[393] Rodrigues told her that if the French or the Canarese occupied Dharmapattanam it would be a serious menace to Cannanore and to the Company. By magnifying the danger and by giving her an indirect promise that the English would not use the island for permanent occupation, he somehow managed to extract her consent. He himself had narrated the tactics adopted by him. “I hinted that she may take it, and to serve her, we would take possession of the place and keep it for one month, and after this she may send her people to take charge, and for greater security, the English Company may make a fort and place her flag in the sand place, for which she can determine the amount of subsidy, as expenses, and if she could keep it without our forces, she can also so determine.”[394]By shrewd diplomacy and false assurances Rodrigues made the Bibi come to an agreement. The Bibi thought that by allowing the English to enter the Dharmapattanam Island, the Island could be saved from the Canarese and the Kottayam Raja who was in league with the French. The Bibi also believed that she would get back the island after the crisis was over, for Rodrigues gave her an assurance by declaring: “I advise, lady, that if the English Company take the place, they will protect it with strong buildings and people, and should God help in time, to clear these clouds, which overhang, it might by yours if you would desire to possess it.”[395] The Bibi was cleverly outwitted by Rodrigues and she agreed to surrender her claim to the island. The factors also carried on talks with the Kottayam Raja for the occupation of the Dharmapattanam Island. By getting the permission of the Kottayam Raja, the English were actually weakening the Bibi’s claim over the Dharmapattanam Island.[396] The Raja who was enemy of the Muslim kingdom of Cannanore readily agreed, and he wrote, “I will dispatch by Cana Nambiar my Royal Grant for your Possessing Durmapatam, and hoisting your Colours on such places as you think necessary for its security.”[397]

The English expressed their willingness to support the Bibi and the Kottayam Raja against the Canarese. And it was the Canarese threat that made the Bibi surrender her claims to the island. But the Bibi was anxious to get back her island. In the meantime there arose some differences between the Bibi and the English over the e possession of the Grove Island.[398] The English expelled her soldiers from the island and got complete control over it. When she offered money for the island, the English were not prepared to accept it. She then attempted to get the support of the Kottayam Raja. There were also reports that she sought the assistance of the Dutch and the French.[399] When the Canarese threat passed off, the English refused to give her back the island. The Bibi was very much disappointed and strongly condemned their action. The English reported that she was “ trying to intrigue against the Company”, and Stephen Law gave her a stern warning that “ If in future you continue in the same evil practices, I shall no longer make those favourable allowances, but proceed for compelling you to desist.”[400] The Bibi was helpless, for she knew that the English could shut up her communications by sea, and with the Prince Regent’s cooperation Cannanore could be stormed. In a bid to appease the English, the Bibi’s husband went to the extent of even taking an oath in the Cannanore mosque that she had never intrigued against the Company.[401]

When hostilities broke out in 1774 between the English and French Companies in Malabar, the Ali Raja thought of consolidating his power by becoming an ally of the French. Shortly afterwards when the French influence began to wane, he attempted to get the support of the English. There were also some internal problems for him in his own kingdom, and the factors reported that a riot broke out in Cannanore. The Mappilas rose against his ministers, and when they took refuge in a house, it was surrounded by about 200 angry Mappilas who stormed the house and hacked the ministers to death.[402]

The policy of the English at that time was to have as many stooges as possible, so that they would stand by them in their conflicts with the French. The Ali Raja’s minister visited Tellicherry and offered friendly proposals to Hodges, the Tellicherry Chief. The English expressed their willingness to come to a settlement with him. [403] He promised to assist the English against the French or any country powers of Malabar by giving the Company “300 men armed with my fire arms.”[404] He also borrowed from Hodges Rs. 15,000, and promised to deliver pepper for that amount.[405]

Assistance from Mysore

The sequences of events in Malabar History reveal that the only Muslim power that had been carrying on a long struggle with the native princes for its very survival was the Kingdom of Cannanore. The Hindu Rajas of Malabar were hostile to Cannanore, and even the foreign powers that came to this area did not help the Ali Rajas to such an extent as to make them powerful enough to stand on their own legs. “Even though they approached the Muslims as the enemies of the Portuguese, in business affairs they were of the same mind as the latter.[406]

As it was the only Muslim kingdom, the long-standing, though smouldering, religious bigotry made the neighbouring Hindu Rajas isolate the Ali Rajas. But with the emergence of Hyder Ali as a strong Muslim ruler, the Ali Raja got a new ally who would help him not merely to assert his authority in Malabar but also enable him to wreak vengeance on the Hindu Rajas and Chieftains who had been causing much harm and damage to Cannanore all these years. Although there were several reasons for Hyder’s invasion of Malabar, it was the invitation of Ali Raja that made him give weighty consideration to his scheme  [407].

The invasions of Hyder Ali and Tipu Sultan, their systematic terrorization of the Nayars, and barbarous cruelties to captives have already been discussed (supra chaps. I &II). When the Hindu Rajas and the Nayar population looked at the invaders with awe and terror, the Ali Raja and the Mappilas hailed them as liberators and welcomed them with great joy. While the Nayars were fleeing for their lives, about 8,000 Mappilas joined Hyder’s armed forces.[408]

The presence of Hyder in Malabar gave the Ali Raja and the Mappillas a much-needed moral and psychological boost. Hyder made the Ali Raja as the ‘High Admiral’ of his navy in Malabar and his brother Sheik Ali, was appointed “intendant of the marine of the ports, and of the maritime commerce of his dominions.”[409] This new assignment goaded him to perform adventurous acts, organizing a grand expedition to the Maldives islands and, assisted by the disciplined soldiers of Hyder, defeated the King of the island and made him a prisoner. Later he barbarously put out his eyes and took the unfortunate King to Hyder who, it is said, strongly condemned his cruel deed.[410]

The spectacular success of Hyder in all the encounters with the Hindu Rajas (q.v.chaps. I & II), made the Ali Raja and the Mappilas think that they could easily establish a Muslim kingdom in Malabar. When Hyder left for Coimbatore after subduing the princes of Malabar, the Ali Raja replaced the Kolathiri Raja as the chief ruler of North Kerala. But the Nayars were not prepared to recognize the new regime, and there were rebellions in many places.[411] The Ali Raja found it difficult to pass through Kadathanad with his 200 men due to the resistance of the Nayars and he was forced to remain at Quilandy. But Hyder came again to Malabar and put down the riots with great savagery.

Meanwhile, events outside Kerala were causing much anxiety. The Mahrattas and the Nizam had formed a confederation, and Hyder had to declare war on the British on account of the intrigues of the Nawab of Arcot. It is not within our purview to trace in detail the operations which followed outside Malabar. As the affairs of the Company in Malabar were regulated by the Bombay Government, they sent a naval force to capture Mangalore, and on March 1, 1768 the factors received the news that Mangalore had been taken and that three vessels of the expedition were being sent down to Tellicherry.[412]

The factors at Tellicherry chalked out a plan to attack Cannanore and to defeat the Ali Raja, the ally of Hyder. On March 3, 1768 the factors organized a small force which was assisted by the Nayars and the Rajas of Kolathunad (Chirakkal) and Kottayam. The force was commanded by Captain Thomas Henry and it had 2 Captains, 5 subalterns, and 182 infantry, the commanding officer of artillery and 47 of his train which consisted of 232 Bombay sepoys, 80 of the Narangpuratta Nayars and 175 Thiyars who were in the service of the Country. The Kottayam Raja and the Prince of Kolathunad had promised to give the factors 1,7000 Nayars.[413]

The whole operation was well planned by Captain Thomas Henry. It was decided to move from Dharmapattanam Island to Calry Hill. The Captain’s plan was to capture a fort called Avarakotta, probably the present Sultan’s Battery. On March 9, the siege began, but Captain Henry found to his great dismay that he could not make much headway. The defence was well organized and Captain Henry’s force was driven back with the loss of 1 officer, 9 Europeans, 6 seamen, 29 Bombay sepoys and 8 Nayars wounded. It was later estimated that 70 men had been killed and wounded.[414] This was a great blow to the prestige of the English.

The Tellicherry factors sent an urgent appeal to Mangalore for more soldiers. But the English themselves were in need of more soldiers in Mangalore, and they could therefore spare the services of only one artillery officer. On March 22, the war council met and it was estimated that Cannanore could be reduced only with a force of 2,200 men of all arms. As it was not possible to raise such a force, the plan was given up. Contrary to their earlier promise, the Kottayam and the Kadathanad Rajas did not go to the assistance of the English. But the Prince of Kolathunad personally went to the battlefield to assist the besiegers. The fact that the English force had to be withdrawn shows that the Ali Raja was still strong. The news of the withdrawal of the British force and the loss of men when they attacked the Avarakotta fort was not liked by the Bombay Government.[415] The Bombay council strongly disapproved of the action of the English factors at Tellicherry and reprimanded them. “This your precipitate and ill-judged conduct in the present state of affairs lays us under the greatest embarrassment.”[416]The dispatch gave immediate orders to suspend all operations against the Ali Raja. They, however, instructed the factors that all combinations of the country powers against Hyder Ali were to be encouraged.

Meanwhile, Hyder made preparations for the reconquest of Mangalore. He cunningly withdrew and pretended that he was leaving the place. But when he made a sudden appearance in May 1768, the English were taken aback, and in the battle that ensued he won a decisive victory. The fall of Mangalore dashed the hopes of the Malabar Rajas to regain their freedom. The Ali Raja became more arrogant and his power grew steadily. The victorious Hyder Ali had the audacity to go to the very gates of Madras to dictate terms on April 3, 1769. A treaty with the Bombay Presidency was also signed, providing for the supply of rice from Mangalore and other parts and for the protection of the Company’s rights in Malabar.[417] It was also agreed “ that the English shall have free liberty of trading in the several ports of the Nabob’s dominions on the Malabar Coast, paying customs, at the rate of one and a half percent on the scale of all goods, and to have permission to re-export army goods which will not sell, free of custom, on signifying the same to the Custom Master.”[418]

The Tellicherry factors were not satisfied with the terms of the treaty. They wanted to teach a lesson to the Ali Raja who continued to be their chief foe. They expressed the view that the Ali Raja must be asked by Hyder Ali to restore Kolathunad to the Prince Regent. If Hyder was not prepared for that, the factors thought of getting Kolathunad from the Ali Raja by force of arms. But Hyder had not the slightest intention of letting down his only faithful ally in Malabar, the Ali Raja. Hyder also realized that it was very difficult to subjugate the Nayars and decided to come to a settlement with them. Madanna, his Civil Governor, carried on the negotiations, and one of the conditions for the withdrawal of Hyder’s troops was that the Ali Raja of Cannanore should be left undisturbed.

The Malabar Chiefs, on the basis of this agreement, did not make any attempt to attack Ali Raja. As the earlier attempts of the English were abortive, a fresh plan was drawn out. The factors felt that the Ali Raja had extended his territory and aggrandized his power. In their view his territory did not extend to the south of the Anjarakandi River. Therefore the factors shelled the Ali Raja’s people out of a fort near Tellicherry, facing the Koduvalli River. After taking the fort it was later given to the Kottayam Raja to get his support. The Kottayam Raja was too pleased to get this fort that he even waived his claim to some land on the Dharmapattanam Island.[419]

The Ali Raja now felt that without Hyder’s help he could not establish authority in Malabar, and he waited for his arrival. The Dutch in the meantime were not very much interested in their settlement in Malabar. The political conditions of Malabar were not favourable for them and they followed a policy of reducing the number of their fortified places. In 1771 they sold Fort Angelo at Cannanore to the Ali Raja, which further strengthened his position.[420]

In 1778 England and France were at war, and the English marched through Hyder’s territories to capture the French settlement of Mahe.[421] Hyder at once declared war and invaded the Karnatak. In Malabar the French were helped by the Ali Raja and the Chirakkal Raja. The Zamorin, the Rajas of Kadathanad and Kottayam joined together to carry on a warfare against Hyder. Hyder valued Mahe very much, for it was “the window to Europe,” and it was through Mahe that he got his guns and ammunition and French reinforcements. Hyder claimed that Mahe was in his territory, since he had conquered the Malabar Coast. He descended on the Carnatic with a large force in 1780, defeated the English and seized Arcot. But Eyre Coote defeated him at Porto Novo and again at Sholingur in 1761. Hyder was not destined to live long to carry out his plans. He died on December 7, 1782, and his son, Tipu Sultan, hastened back to Mysore to become his successor.

The early victories of Hyder gave the Ali Raja a feeling of confidence, and he had even entertained the idea of establishing an Islami state in Malabar. He actively cooperated with Hyder in his attempts to spread Islam by using force. But the stiff resistance and the well planned guerilla warfare carried on by the Nayars prevented him from carrying out his ambitious project. Later, when the Bibi succeeded him, she also had the same religious loyalty to Hyder.

The Factory diary dated Januyary 12, 1762 contains a copy of the letter sent to the Select Committee at Bombay which says that the Bibi had escaped to Cannanore with her husband.[422] This escape took place when the English attempted to attack Dharmapattanam. The English were determined to crush Cannanore for aiding and abetting Hyder during his campaigns in Malabar. The Ali Raja was mainly responsible for giving information to Hyder about the topography of the place and for the inhuman brutalities committed on the Nayars. In the Minutes of the Consultation the Tellicherry factors had recorded that they had promised to give every assistance to Humberston in his expedition against Cannanore.[423]

The Prince Regent of Chirakkal was once an ally of Hyder, and he did everything to please his Mysorean master. Later, when he realized that Hyder was no more a powerful force, he changed his loyalty and sought the help of the English. The factory diary dated May 6, 1783 speaks about a letter sent by the ‘Prince of Cheriks’ requesting the Company to take him under the Company’s protection.[424] With the desertion of the Prince of Chirakkal, Cannanore stood totally isolated.

As he was aware of the determination of the English to destroy Cannanore, the Prince of Chirakkal requested the Company to help him against the forces of Cannanore. Perhaps he must have thought of getting the friendship of the English by showing his enmity towards Cannanore. But the English did not rush to his help.[425] The factory diary, dated May 15, 1783, contains a resolution which tells about their decision “not to send any assistance lest the Government of Cannanore might be provoked to seize all the rice boats coming to Tellicherry.”[426] When the Mappilas knew that the Raja of Chirakkal was seeking the assistance of the English, they started harassing him.

Tipu in the meantime elevated Mir Ibrahim as military governor, replacing Arshad Beg Khan, an administrator of great integrity. Mir Ibrahim’s arbitrary exactions aroused so much dissatisfaction that even the Mappilas joined the Nayars in rebellion in 1784; the Mappilas attacked a Hindu temple at Manjeri and destroyed it. Tipu’s soldiers had to interfere in the scuffle to restore order.[427]

The factory diary speaks about a letter from the Prince of Chirakkal’s minister intimating that the Mappilas of Muttingal and Badagara were secretly corresponding with the enemy at Quilandy. A resolution was passed directing Captain Murray to keep a watchful eye on the Mappilas of those places.[428] When the Chirakkal Prince requested the Company to assist him against the Mappilas of Cannanore, who were attacking one of his forts, the English readily agreed.[429]

In their letter to the Select Committee at Bombay, the factors informed the English of the intentions of Cannanore to take advantage of the unfavourable situation of the Company’s affairs and recommended the total abolition of the Government of Cannanore as being wholly hostile to the interests of the Company.[430] They also decided to compel the Bibi to relinquish her claims to the plantations in the province of Bandattara.

When General Mathews wanted to attack Cannanore, the Bombay Government did not give its approval.[431] They pointed out that “this was totally foreign … to the system on which they have acted, which has been to support the Malabaris in their independence.”[432] Brigadier- General Macleod called Cannanore “nest of enemies,” and he planned an independent expedition against Cannanore. Cannanore was stormed by the 42^nd and 100^th regiments and two companies of the Tellicherry grenadiere, and the place was occupied quite dramatically. The Tellicherry factors came to know about the entire operation only after Cannanore had fallen.[433]

 After this daring exploit, Macleod signed an agreement with the Bibi. The Bombay Government, however, disavowed this engagement as having concluded without authority.[434]In 1784 when a peace treaty was signed with Tipu, he did not forget the claims of Bibi, and the treaty stipulated: “As soon as all the prisoners are released and delivered, the fort and district of Cannanore shall be evacuated and restored to Ali Raja Bebee, the Queen of that country …[435] Without wasting much time Macleod disbanded his forces and evacuated the fort [436] Tipu, however, did not like this hasty evacuation. In fact, he bitterly complained about this and wrote a letter to the Tellicherry Chief that the Cannanore fort had completely been looted, “and the said fort made empty as a jungul, and then your troops went away.”[437]

In the meantime Mir Ibrahim, Tipu’s military governor in Malabar, broke all the treaties with the Rajas, imposed new exactions and ill-treated the Nayars. Owing to this misgovernment even the Mappilas under Kurikkal of Manjeri rebelled against the Mysorean rule. The position became so intolerable that Arshad Beg Khan requested Tipu to come to Malabar at once before matters go out of control. Accordingly, Tipu descended on Kerala through the Ghats in January 1788.[438] The Bibi at once identified herself with Tipu’s cause, and another period of turbulence and terror began in Malabar.

Although Tipu was a man of some education, he was highly fanatical. [439] He established a reign of terror in Malabar by desecrating and destroying Hindu temples and by hunting down the Nayars.  There were instances of forceful conversions of those who were captured.

The Kingdom of Cannanore and the Mapppilas benefited much from the Mysorean invasions. The relationship between Tipu and the Bibi had become so intimate that Tipu’s son Ab- dul – Khalie, was married to the latter’s daughter. The Tellicherry Chief wrote to C.W. Malet, the Resident of Poona, on December 31, 1789 that “ Tipu was in the suburbs of Tellicherry to marry his son to the daughter of Bullia Bebby, widow of the late Aly Raja, celebration of which marriage 40,000 captives, unhappy families of the Coorge country and other parts of Malabar coast are to be circumcised.” [440]

The fact that the ruling family of Cannanore and the Mappilas were living for the first time under a Muslim administration gave tem a sense of pride and security. But at the same time the Nayars and other Chieftains were subjected to untold hardships and thousands of them fled to jungles or to the neighbouring Travancore.” Mappilas were naturally favoured by the rulers for positions. They not only obtained service in large numbers in the military forces, but were also employed in the administrative system. They were also able to purchase at low cost or to seize land rights held by fleeting landlords, this becoming the first large-scale opportunity for them to gain possession of land.”[441] The Mappilas extended their support to the regime by getting themselves enrolled in Tipu’s army.

Tipu would have heard about the social customs of the Nayars from the Bibi or the Mappilas, and in 1788 he issued the following proclamation, directed against the Nayars: “And since it is the practice with you for one woman to associate with ten men … and are more shameless than the beast of the field, I hereby require you to forsake these sinful practices and live like the rest of mankind. And if you are disobedient to these commands, I have made repeated vows to honour the whole of you with Islam and to march all the chief persons to the seat of government,”[442]

Even though the proclamation was issued with a reforming zeal, it was indeed a façade to cover up his tracks – to convert Malabar into a Muslim region. Throughout this period of religious oppression the Mappilas served as fifth columnists and occupied the lands vacated by the fleeing Nayars. The whole Nayar Community dreaded Tipu’s brutal methods and lived in a state of helpless agony. Perhaps no ruler in South Indian history has been so fanatically cruel and heartless. And this is clear from the edict issued by him in 1789.

“ It is directed that every being in the district should be honoured with Islam, that the houses of such that flee to avoid that honour should be burned, that they should be traced to their lurking places, and that all means of truth and falsehood, force or fraud, should be employed to effect their universal conversion.” [443]

In this period of turbulence, the minority Mappilas flaunted their power and authority while the Nayars lived in disgrace in their hideout. “The whole country from one end to the other was devastated by fanatic Muslim hordes. The sword or the Koran was the alternative offered. Everywhere the Hindus were persecuted and robbed of their riches, their women and their children… The Mappilas increased in numbers and influence, while the Nairs diminished in importance,” [444] The Nayars, however, carried on heroic resistance throughout the period of occupation with the meagre resources at their command and refused to acknowledge the authority of the regime.

The English in the meantime decided to put an end to Tipu’s threat by taking stern action against him. Tipu’s assault on the Travancore lines was not at all liked by them The British Governor General, Lord Cornwallis, concluded an alliance with the Nizam of Hyderabad and the Mahrattas against him. Cornwallis instructed the Company’s officers at Tellicherry to regard them at war with Tipu, and replaced Holland in Madras by General Meadows.[445] When Tipu realized the magnitude of the alliance ranged against him, he abandoned his campaign in Travancore and made a dash for Mysore to prepare his defences.

War with Cannanore

When the Company’s forces entered Malabar, the Hindu Rajas threw in their lot with them. The Bibi had been assisting Tipu’s forces who were left behind in Malabar, and the factors reported her activities to Bombay. To show their displeasure Captain George Byron captured a vessel belonging to her. [446] When Major Dow attempted to attack the Mysorean encampment at Agarr, the Mappilas alerted Tipu’s soldiers about the British move, and they took refuge in a fort owned by the Bibi.[447] When they attacked the English from the fort, Major Dow shrewdly withdrew from that region. He, however, lodged a strong protest with the Bibi for permitting the Mappilas to mix with Tipu’s troops, and informed the authorities to regard her as an enemy of the Company.[448] But it was considered rather premature to attack Cannanore, and Dow was reminded of Colonel Hartley’s suggestion that it was not wise to carry on the operations from Tellicherry. [449]

The factors estimated that about 8000 of Tipu’s troops remained in Cannanore. The Bibi’s attitude excited the suspicion of the English. There were reports that the Mappilas ill-treated the Nayars whenever they got an opportunity.[450] The factors were now convinced of the fact that the reduction of Cannanore alone would make the Mysorean troops leave the place and would have a salutary effect on the Mappilas. Accordingly, a plan was drawn up for attacking Cannanore.[451]

But the Bibi, realizing that Tipu’s power was on the wane, expressed her willingness to come to a settlement with the English. Accordingly, she signed on August 8, 1790 “the preliminaries to a future treaty of firm alliance and friendship” with the Company. She promised “to admit the Company’s troops to garrison the fortress of Cannanore and to give as hostages for such performance the husband of her eldest daughter, and one of her ministers.[452] But she did not take any step to implement the terms of the treaty.

The Bibi’s vacillating attitude excited the suspicion of the English.[453] The English occupied Randattara on October 14, 1790, and attempted to send away the remaining troops of Tipu from Cannanore.[454] When the English troops attempted to enter Cannanore on October 17, they were turned back.[455] The English at once moved into Agarr to protect Randattara. She openly defied the British authority by allowing Tipu’s troops to enter Cannanore. The British blockaded Cannanore from the sea on October22, 1790. [456]

The English in the meantime won a decisive victory in the south by capturing the strategically important border stronghold of Palghat in September 1790. The remnant of the Mysorean armies numbering about 9.000, Mysore soldiers and 4, 000 Mappilas gathered under Tipu’s commander Martab Khan to attack the English.  But on the historic battle fought at Tirurangadi on December 10, 1790 the Mysoreans were routed by the English Colonel Hartley.

Abercromby, the Governor of Bombay, evinced keen interest in the affairs of Malabar, and he himself came down to Malabar with a force of 3,000 to 4,000 men. [457] He began the siege on December 14, 1790, and before attacking Cannanore, he captured Valarpattanam, and captured the stores and equipment from that place. [458]

Abercromby did not want to wreak vengeance on the Bibi and the Mappilas. He graciously agreed to “grant protection to the Beeby, her family and the inhabitants and assured them that no insults whatever shall be directed against them.[459] The Bibi was asked to surrender all military stores, naval stores, vessels, grains and provisions in warehouses, timbers and merchandise of every kind “ either afloat in the Fort or in the Town,” Abercromy appealed to the Mappilas “ to return quietly to their habitations.” [460]

The period under survey is significant due to various reasons. The only Muslim kingdom of Kerala made a futile attempt to establish Muslim rule in Malabar with the active assistance of the Haidar and Tipu. The Mysorean invasion was usually ruthless. The Nayars and Chieftains desperately resisted the invaders, yet following their defeat, they were exposed to barbarous cruelties. While the Nayars saw their property and land confiscated, the masses groaned under heavy taxation. The disappearance of the Nayar gentry from the political scene paved the way for the establishment of a centralized system of administration in later years.

The Mysorean rule, however, was not sterile and backward. The Mysoreans introduced for the first time a system of land taxation based on the actual produce of land. In the traditional Kerala society the Mappilas were denied the right of owning lands. But the Mysorean occupation enabled them to become owners of land.

The Mysorean rule gave a coup de grace to the social order that existed in Malabar for several centuries. In the traditional Malabar society the high caste Hindus like the Brahmins and the Nayars enjoyed a privileged status in society. The Mysorean occupation exploded the myth of caste superiority and gave the low caste people a sense of their own dignity and status.

The Ali Raja of Cannanore fully exploited the situation, and he became the chief ruler in a province that was once dominated by the Zamorins and the Kolathiris. But his collaboration with the Mysoreans in the large scale religious persecution perpetrated in Malabar alienated him from the local people, and in the following years engendered a fierce and abiding hatred between the Hindus and Muslims. The Mappilas were singled out for attack, and the Kottayam Raja encouraged his people even to attack their mosques” in revenge for former molestation of a similar nature by the Mappilas.”[461]The establishment of British rule in Malabar saved them from further persecution, and on March 18, 1800, they issued a formal appeal: “… we do hereby call upon the inhabitants of both castes to lay aside their ancient animosities and live in friendship and unanimity together.”[462]

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 CHAPTER IV

THE ENGLISH AND THE KADATHANAD RAJA

Kadathanad is known in Sanskrit literature Khadolkachakshti. According to tradition the Kadathanad Raja was a descendant of the Porlatiri family of Polanad – a principality adjacent to Calicut. The Zamorin cunningly seized Poland and expelled the Polatiri family from their own principality. After experiencing several difficulties, the Porlatiri family finally got asylum in the Kolathiri kingdom. The Kolathiri Thekkilamkur (Southern Regent) married a princess of that family and a son of this union was given the governorship of Kadathanad, i.e., the southern portions of the Kolathiri dominions lying between the Mahe River and the Kotta River. The eldest male was given the title of “Porlattiri.” It is called Kadathanad because people had to Kadakkuka (cut across) its territories during their journeys from the Zamorin’s kingdom to the Kolathiri’s kingdom and vice versa. When the English Company settled at Tellicherry they called the Kadathanad Raja as the “Boyanore” or “Bavnor of Badagara.” Boyanore is a corrupt transliteration of the Malayalam word “Vazhunnayar” (ruler). In all English records he is referred to as Boyanore or Bavnor, and Kadathanadu as ‘Cartanadu’ or ‘Cartenad’.

Early relations with European Powers

The French, after trading for awhile at Calicut seized in 1725 Mayyazhi, a small town situated in the Kadathanad territory, and renamed it Mahe. [463] This tiny enclave of Mahe soon developed into a major French settlement on the Malabar Coast. The English at that time were striving hard to secure the monopoly of pepper, and this naturally led to conflicts with the French. The English accused the French of instigating the Malabar Rajas against them.[464]

The French attempted to unite the Kadathanad Raja, the Kurangoth Nayar and the Iruvazhinad Nambiars against the English. When they attacked the English factory, they were given a “warm reception and obliged to retreat with great loss.”[465] The fight went on till February 1725 when the Kadathanad Raja agreed to come to terms with the English. He gave an assurance to Robert Adams, the Tellicherry Chief: “From January 901 (1726) and forward, I will not retain, nor give shelter, at Cattuvaynattu to any other Europeans.”[466]

When the French were attempting to widen their sphere of influence, the Kadathanad Raja was asked by the English to foil their designs. They also brought pressure on him to expel the French from Mahe. The French even lodged a complaint with the President and Council at Fort St. George about Robert Adams who was working against them.[467] They in the meantime strengthened their reinforcements and were eagerly expecting the arrival of three French ships.[468] The Kadathanad Raja, who was in friendly terms with the English, got very much upset over the French moves.[469] Since there was no unity among his ministers, he could not evolve a uniform policy to face the projected French attack.

The linguist of the English factory made a futile attempt to forge an anti- French coalition by including some Nayar chiefs.[470] Kurangoth Nayar and the Iruvazhinad Nambiars were not willing to accept the proposal of the linguist, and he later reported that they were won over by the French. Monsieur Gondrin, the French captain, informed the English about the decision of the French authorities to attack ‘Boyanore’ as they called Kadathanad Raja.[471] Although Robert Adams assured the French that the English would be neutral, [472] the French complained that they saw some Europeans assisting some native chiefs in a recent encounter with them.[473] After taking possession of the region round Mahe, the victorious French forces entered the principal Fort of the Boyanore situated on the Mahe river. Kadathanad was thoroughly beaten and with the capture of the principal fort, the French were in complete control of the Mahe River.[474] Despite repeated protests by the English, the French blockaded the ships carrying English goods.[475]

The French took an active interest in Malabar politics and tried their best to win the support of as many native Rajas as possible. The Kottayam Raja was a traditional rival of the Kadathanad Raja, and he readily agreed to be an ally of the French. The Kottayam Raja also requested the English not to allow the Chirakkal Prince to assist the Kodathanad Raja.[476] Meanwhile, the Kadathanad Raja put forward a plan for attacking the French by enlisting the support of the Kurangoth Nayar. The English were lukewarm to this proposal, for “they recognized the fact that we are in no respect equal to them in power” and they were also not in a position to fight a naval action.[477] The proposal of the Kadathanad Raja, therefore, fell through. When the Kadathanad Raja approached the English for a loan, they turned down his request and asked him to settle his earlier accounts. [478]

In his eagerness to get more money, he began to exploit the growing rivalry between the English and the French by instigating one against another. The English were surprised to note that he had entered into an agreement with the French. [479] Adams tried his best to “embarrass the affair.” But the Kadathanad Raja replied on September 8, 1726 that the prevailing circumstances forced him to come to an understanding with the French. [480] The Kurangoth Nayar also became an ally of the French and they used every occasion to harass the English. The English did not want to have more local enemies, and therefore they decided to help the Kadathanad Raja with money to safeguard their commercial interests. Since war was an expensive affair, they felt that monetary assistance was “cheaper than war.” But the factors came to know that the second prince of the Boyanore (Kadathanad) family was anxious to come to a settlement with the French.[481]

During the period of the Canarese invasion (Cf. supra ch. I) the English attempted to unite all the local Rajas against them. But there was no unity even in the Kolathiri family, and the attempt of the Tellicherry Chief, Stephen Law, to unite the Prince Regent, the Kadathand and Kottayam Rajas against the Canarese did not succeed.

 The French in the meantime attempted to exploit the explosive situation in Malabar. Even after the conclusion of peace with the Canarese, they carried on a war with the Nambiars of Iruvazhinad.  [482] The French got the assistance of the Kadathanad Raja, who was then a minor, in their local wars. But the Nambiars defeated them on September 4, 1739 and the French commander and many of his men were killed.[483] The English at once came to the assistance of the Nambiars and helped them indirectly through the Prince Regent. The French were defeated on November 20. After lodging protests, both factories came to an understanding and peace was restored in December 1739.

The English got the news on December 14, 1739 that the French had come to a settlement with the Nambiars through the mediation of Peramy, the minister of the Zamorin. [484] According to the terms of the treaty the French were allowed to keep two hills, Poitra and Chembra.[485]

The French in the meantime seized a hill near Mahe by saying that they had bought it from the minor Kadathanad Raja. His mother, however, disowned the arrangement. In April 1740, an English boat was captured by the French, who were blockading the Kadathanad country. When the English lodged a strong protest, the French released the vessel. When the French attempted to capture a hill in Kadathanad on September 5, 1740, they were repulsed by Kadathanad Nayars. [486] In all the encounters with the French, the English gave active assistance to the Kadathanad Nayars. The minor prince of Kadathanad gave the French permission to construct two forts. When they started the work, the Regent, sister of the Prince, raised objection and this led to a clash. [487] The French were again defeated and forced to vacate the forts.

The French authorities in Pondicherry were not happy over these developments. They informed Mahe to maintain friendly relations with the native rulers. On September 16, 1740 the French attacked a hill belonging to the Kadathanad Raja, but they were defeated by 700 Kadathanad Nayars and they lost about 40 persons.[488] The French suspected that the English were supplying the Kadathanad Raja with the ammunition and a strong protest was sent to the English. Finally the French agreed to come to a settlement with the Kadathanad Raja, and through the mediation of their linguist a ceasefire was arranged on May 2, 1741.[489] The Tellicherry diary of November 13, 1741 records the arrival of “M. de Labourdonnais with two large ships at Mahie.” [490] The English factors also got the news that Labourdonnais had a plan to attack the Kadathanad Raja. With the arrival of three other French ships of Labour donnais’ squadron at Mahe and another at Calicut, the French attacked Kadathanad. After a stiff fight the French captured the Kadathand entrenchments in which many lost their lives on both sides.[491]

After defeating the Kadathand Raja, Labourdonnais attempted to bring about “a more satisfactory state of the relations between the French and English factories.” He wanted the European powers to stand united against the country powers. In spite of the bitter rivalry that existed between the French and the English, Labourdonnais wanted to iron out the differences between the tow factories. Nothing could be said about his sincerity. Probably it was an attempt to hoodwink the English. An agreement, however, was signed by the English and the French by which it was agreed that “if either of us should know of any designs of the country people against any one of us, we are obliged to give notice therof to each other, thereby to prevent the evil intentions of the country people.”[492] In 1741c some more articles were added to the earlier agreement. It was also agreeed that in disputes arising between the French and the Kadathanad Raja, the English were to arbitrate.

On January 11, 1741, the French concluded peace with the Kadathanad Raja, [493] and agreed to give up the two hills which the French once claimed. It was also agreed to give the French some adjoining land from the river to the sea. The Kadathanad Raja got 2,000 pagodas from the French. [494]

When the first great Anglo – French conflict broke out in the Karnatak, the country powers shifted their loyalty according to varying circumstances. But the capture of Madras and the defeat of the Nawab’s forces by the French at Adyar enhanced the prestige of the French in South India. After the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, Thomas Byfeld, the Tellicherry Chief, turned his attention to strengthening the position of the Company by enlisting the support of the country powers. The Kadathanad Raja had already entered into an agreement with the English in 1725 and Byfeld now wanted a further confirmation of the earlier agreement by the present ruling family. Accordingly, the Raja agreed to grant more privileges to the Company and promised: “that the said Writings and Grants shall from this day forward not only be deemed sacred, but preserved, defended, and maintained inviolably, by himself and heirs in the province of Cartenad, without the least impediment, hindrances, or molestation of what kind soever.”[495]But the efforts of Byfeld to unite all the country did not yield good results. For one thing, there was acute rivalry among the native Rajas and they had no sense of political unity. The Prince Regent of the Kolathiri family had married the Kadathanad Raja’s sister. The Prince Regent wanted to make his son the ruler of Iruvazhinad. For this purpose he had to get either the voluntary submission of the Iruvazhinad Nambiars or they had to be forced to accept his son as the ruler. The Tellicheryy Chief, who wanted to weaken the French influence in that area, approved of the plan to make the Prince Regent’s son the ruler. The Kadathanad Raja also gave his assent to the proposal. But the Company’s senior officials decided to keep aloof from these operations. If Byfeld had continued as Chief, he would have brought about a settlement. But, unfortunately, he was succeeded by Thomas Dorril who handled the whole affair in a very foolish manner.

The Kadathanad Raja, although he had signed a treaty with the British, wanted the help of the French also. M. Lovet, the French Chief took an active interest in Malabar politics. Through his intervention a peace was arranged between the Kadathanad Raja and the Iruvazhinad Nambiars and the Kottayam Raja. The new Chief Thomas Hodges did not want to interfere in the quarrels of the native rulers. The Prince Regent wanted to help his brother-in-law, the Kadathanad Raja, and sought the permission of the English to move his soldiers through the English territory to Kadathand.[496] They did not give him permission, and their attempts to bring about peace among the country powers did not succeed.

When the Seven Years’ War broke out in Europe, the English and the French in India were at war once again. The Tellicherry factors got the news of the war in Europe on May 28, 1756. Unlike Dorril, Hodges showed finesse in dealing with the country powers. The Kottayam Raja and the Ali Raja expressed their willingness to join the Company against the French. Hodges expected that the Kadathanad Raj and the Iruvazhinad Nambiars would also join. He also wanted to tackle the Prince Regent. The Prince Regent was also disgusted with the “broken promises” of the French. He made a surprise visit to the Tellicherry factory on November 2, 1756 and heaped abuses on Dorril and called him a “cullan” [497](thief). The factors felt that he could be brought round. The French too were trying to get the support of the country powers, especially the Kadathanad Raja.

When a dispute arose in the Kolathiri family, the Kadathanad Raj supported the rebel princes, and sent 300 men to assist him. But the English intercepted and the rebel prince appealed to them to pardon him. The Chief gave him a warning and advised him to honour the senior Regent.[498]

When hostilities broke out between out between England and France, the English wanted to come to an understanding with Kottayam, Kadathanad and Iruvazhinad Nambiars. But the Kadathanad Raja was rather evasive. When the French secretly helped the rebel prince to escape to Edakkad, he was supported by the Kadathanad Raja and the Iruvazhinad Nambiars.[499] The Kadathanad forces were defeated when they tried to pass through Kottayam on October 1, 1760. The Kadathanad Raja was warned of dire consequences if he persisted in creating trouble.[500] When the English wanted to attack Mahe, they had to pass through the territories of Kadathanad and Iruvazhinad, and they informed the rulers about this.[501]

The English in the meantime made all preparations to attack Mahe. On December 27, 1760 Major Hector Munro reached Tellicherry with a huge force.[502] The French at Mahe were in desperate straits and they were reported selling their arms for their very survival. [503] Even though the English wanted to attack Mahe without much delay, the senior officers at Bombay did not give them permission. On January 16, 1761 get “the glorious news” of the surrender of Pondicherry.[504] The factors then proceeded to attack Mahe. On February 3, 1761, M. Louet was called on to surrender it and its dependencies to avoid unnecessary bloodshed.[505] On February 13^th Major Piers with about five hundred men took possession of Mahe and the Union Jack went up under a salute from the ships and forts. With the fall of Mahe “the French were left without a foot of ground in India.” [506] This enabled the British to consolidate their position and influence in Kadathanad. Mahe and other French territories in India were, however, restored to them according to the terms of the Peace of Paris (1763).

Mysorean Expansion

Although Kadathanad managed to survive all the political convulsions that occurred in Malabar, its very existence was threatened in 1766 by the incursion of Mysorean forces. The devastating invasions of the Mysoreans (supra chaps. I, II & III), culminated finally in the destruction of the historic structure of Malabar society.

After dispersing 500 Nayars by artillery fire at Baliapatanam, and then passing through Chirakkal and Kottayam, Hyder entered Kadathanad in 1766.[507] But the doughty Kadathanad Nayars put up a valiant resistance. When Hyder came near the Mahe River he found himself opposed by a powerful army determined to block up his crossing. When he found it impossible to force a crossing, he brought his fleet to the navigable point. “Then he drew up his infantry and artillery as if to cross the river after forcing the enemy to retire by a bombardment. In the meantime, he moved the cavalry cautiously up to a higher point and when the tide was low, crossed it a full gallop as the velocity of the current was greatly diminished by the ships which had anchored up in a line against the current. The Kadathanad Nayars were taken on the flank and forced to retreat in disorder.”[508] Hyder then gave immediate orders to his cavalry to rush forward and attack. The fleeing Nayars were mercilessly slaughtered by his army. A Muslim writer has thus described the scene of carnage: “The country of the Nayars was thrown into general consternation which was much increased by the cruelty of the Mapilays, who followed the cavalry, massacred all who had escaped, without sparing women and children.”[509]

According to the Tellicherry factory diary this bloody engagement lasted twenty four hours. There were severe casualties and the Kadathanad Raja had to take shelter in a pagoda. He and his forces, however, were not completely destroyed. It appears that the Zamorin’s forces also went to the help of the Kadathanad Raja, for there is a reference in the diary to a battle fought at Perinkulam on the banks of the Kota River.[510]

When Hyder Ali left for Coimbatore on June 24, 1766, the Kottayam and the Kadathanad Rajas rose in rebellion and retook many places. When they came to know that “the despised Ali Raja had been appointed Civil Governor and his brother, Sheik Ali, military Governor of Kolathunad, their hatred and anger knew no bounds. When the Ali Raja with 200 men attempted to pass through Kadathanad, he was stopped at Quilandy. The Kadathanad Nayars took advantage of the monsoon and there was a general uprising. The blockhouses of Hyder, cut off from each other and from outside aid by flooding rivers, were attacked by the Nayars. The Mysorean forces which were stationed in Malabar under Raza Khan experienced great difficulties.  Monsoon rains had made rivers unfordable, and provisions could not be provided for the soldiers, The Nayars kept up steady guerilla warfare by harassing them at every stage.

In March 1768 an attempt was made by Captain Henry to capture a fort called Avarakotta (now called the Sultan’s Battery), and he required a force of 2,200 men of all arms to capture it. The English expected that the Kadathanad and Kottayam Rajas would come to their help in this engagement. But the factors felt ‘indignant’ when they did not turn up at the right moment. Perhaps the Kadathanad Nayars were engaged elsewhere at that time in some other encounter.

Hostilities again broke out between the English and French in Malabar due to the American War of Independence. On October 17, 1777, Burgoyne surrendered his entire army to the American General Gates. This was a turning-point of the war, for it brought France, England’s hereditary enemy, to the American side. Hyder had been watching and waiting for an opportunity to defeat the English, and his enthusiasm for the French cause was high. The visit of Bellocombe, French Governor of Pondicherry, to Mahe excited the suspicion of the English, for they feared that French arms would be delivered to Hyder.[511] He became a staunch ally of the French, and gave orders to his lackeys in Malabar to help the French. But the Kadathanad Raja, along with the Kottayam Raja and the Zamorin, stood by the English.[512]The Chirakkal Raja supported Hyder with 1,500 Nayars in the defence of Mahe against the British.[513] Besides which 2,000 soldiers from Coorg were also sent to assist him. But the Chirakkal Raja was attacked by the Kottayam Raja and the English on the rear and right flank, and the Kadathanad Raja and Iruvazhinad Nambiars on the left flank, and his position became precarious.[514] On March 18, 1779, Mahe capitulated, and the Chirakkal forces sent to help the French on the orders of Hyder had to retreat under heavy artillery fire.

Hyder wanted to wreak vengeance on the Kadathanad Raja for supporting the English during these operations. The Company at that time was nominally at peace with him, and this enabled Hyder to disperse the forces of the Kottayam Raja and the Zamorin. He then proceeded to Kadathand, and deposed the Senior Raja who had sided with the English in favour of a young prince, and brought Kadathanad under his sphere of influence.[515]

The young prince soon became a nuisance to the English and caused several troubles for them. He sent his force on June 24, 1779 to erect fortifications near Mahe. On August 20th his men carried away a washerman who was working in the camp of Brathwaite at Mahe. This led to a scuffle in which eight of the Kadathanad Nayars were killed. Hyder extended his wholehearted support to all the actions of the young prince. The Kadathanad prince “beheaded the unfortunate dhobi (washerman) in the presence of a peon of Brathwaite’s, who had gone with a message and of a horsekeeper who had also been entrapped. The two later, with their hands cut off, were permitted to return to Mahe.”[516]

Hyder instigated the Chirakkal Raja and the Kadathanad prince to attack Tellicherry, and the Chirakkal forces attacked Mount Deli fort in October 1779.[517] When Randattara was attacked the English sent a small force to defend it and the enemy forced them to withdraw.[518]The Kadathanad forces of the prince attacked the English factory from the south and began to surround the area.[519] On October 31^st he attacked the English outpost at “Moicara” and captured it.[520] When the factory was attacked on all sides, the factors asked Brathwaite to come to Tellicherry to assist in its defense.

In the Tellicherry Factory Diary, under date November 1, 1779 there is an entry which says: “As the enemy seems to be gaining ground – resolved that, agreeable to the company’s orders. We deliver the keys of the fort to the Military Commanding Officer, who is to take all possible means for the security of the fort and districts.”

When war broke out between the English and Hyder, Sirdar Khan was sent from Seringaptam, with a large force. But Major Abington, with the help of Kottayam Nayars, and the 2^nd and 8^th battalions of sepoys, crushed Sirdar Khan’s besieging forces on January 8, 1762 and saved the settlement from the Mysorean.

The failure of Hyder to capture Tellicherry greatly increased the prestige of the Company. The Rajas of Kadathanad, Kottayam and the Iruvazhinad Nambiars threw off the yoke of Hyder and recovered their countries by the beginning of January 1782 with the assistance of the Company. The factors wrote to the Select Committee, Bombay: “As the late Revolution has greatly increased the Honourable Company’s weight and influence with the Malabar’s, we have thought it our duty to take into our serious consideration in what manner we can avail ourselves thereof for their advantage.”[521]

The English Resident at Tellicherry made a proposal to the Senior Raja of Kadathanad regarding the monopoly of pepper, cardamom, and sandalwood and about the payment of a tribute.[522]

But all these triumphs were unavailing, since Malabar was again shaken by the fierce onslaughts of Tipu. The beginning of his reign Tipu exercised his rule over Malabar through his military governor, Meer Ibrahim.

When Tipu personally came to Malabar in 1789, he found that the Nayars had fled to the jungles. His first encounter with the Kadathanad Nayars was at Kuttipuram, the head-quarters of the Kadathanad family. His forces surrounded about 2,000 Nayars with their families in an old fort. They offered a spirited resistance and defended the fort for several days. Finally they had to yield to superior numbers and were forced to accept his terms which were “a voluntary profession of the Mohammadan faith, or a forcible conversion with deportation from their native land. The unhappy captives gave a forced assent, and on the next day the rite of circumcision was performed on all the males, every individual of both sexes being compelled to close the ceremony by eating beef.”[523]

Tipu then organized a systematic Nair hunt. But the mountain fastness of the country gave them adequate protection, and from there they carried on guerilla warfare. Tipu himself acknowledged the strength of the Nayars and he said: “In the course of the last twenty-five years, you have slain nearly a thousand of the Sircar’s (Government) soldiers and repeatedly committed excesses.”[524]

In spite of the oppressive measures of Tipu, the Nayars continued to oppose the regime. The Rajas of Kadathanad and Kottayam requested the British to help them in their struggle against the enemy and expressed their willingness to place the kingdom under their protection.[525] When Tipu’s oppression became unbearable, the rebellious Kadathanad Nayars took refuge in British territory.[526]Tipu found fault with the English for giving asylum to the Nayars, and asked the factors not to accommodate them.[527] The British did not want to excite the suspicion of Tipu and even the defence works in Tellicherry were temporarily suspended.[528]But Tipu’s military officer at Kottayam again accused the British for giving asylum to the Kadathanad and Kottayam Rajas.[529]

The Bombay Government asked the Tellicherry factors in March 1790 to take an oath of secrecy for the conduct of warlike operations against Tipu.[530]

Robert Taylor, the Tellicherry Chief, wrote to George Powney, the British Resident in Travancore, to make arrangements for sending the Kadathanad Raja (who had taken refuge in Travancore) to Malabar.[531] Cornwallis, the Governor General, sent instructions to the factors on April 6, 1790 that any assurance given to the Near Chieftains who were fighting Tipu should be honoured by the Supreme Government.[532] The Tellicherry factors sent an armed vessel to Travancore to bring the Kadathanad Raja to Malabar.

To win over all the Malabar Rajas, Taylor issued a proclamation:

“This is to give notice to the Malabar Princes, Moplah inhabitants, etc., etc. that any of them who will join this detachment and set against the Nabob Tippoo Sultan during the present war may rely on the Honourable Company’s protection and being included as allies of the Honourable Company in any future treaty they may enter into with the Nabob …”[533]

The Kadathanad Raja stayed in the Tellicherry factory premises, and Dow drove out Tipu’s garrisons and patrols which were still lurking in the country side. Cornwallis gave an assurance on June 18, 1790 that he would bring pressure on Tipu “to relinquish his claim of sovereignty” over Kadathanad.

After the fall of Cannanore (supra ch. III), the Mappilas and some soldiers of Tipu proceeded to Badagara, a village in Kadathanad, and captured it. Captain Oakes defeated them and freed Badagara. They were also driven out of Kuttipuram, the head-quarters of the Kadathanad Raja, and it also came under the English.[534] This was the virtual end of the Mysorean intervention in Malabar. When Tipu ceded Malabar to the British, they at once proceeded to reorganize the administration on a stable basis (infra ch. 6).

Much of this chapter describes the Kadathanad Raja, under the blows of invasions, struggling to maintain some semblance of independence. Although he was merely a petty king of a small principality, he played a very important role during a crucial period in Malabar history. The Mysorean thought that they could establish their authority in Malabar by following a policy of oppression and rabid fanaticism. They succeeded, of course, in creating terror and chaos; but they failed to crush the spirit of the Nayars. They carried on a heroic struggle against the marauding Mysoreans, and both Hyder and Tipu had to come again to Kerala in anger and despair even though they had other serious problems in Mysore and Coimbatore. The long guerilla warfare carried on by the Nayars did not give the Mysoreans even a brief respite. As Panikkar says: “The defeat of the Rajas and the easy subjugation of the country did not mean the conquest of the people.”[535] When the Mysoreans found that the proud and warlike Nayars could not humbled, they tried to utilize the Nair chiefs as their agents. But the Nayars refused to accept the authority of the Mysoreans and there were insurrections in several places.

The Mysorean invasion and the rivalries of the Malabar Rajas opened up opportunities for the English to better their position. The collapse of the Mysorean rule made the English masters of the country, and the way was cleared for the assumption of sovereign authority.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

CHAPTER V

THE ENGLISH AND THE KOTTAYAM RAJA

The early history of Kottayam is shrouded in the mists of legends and fables. This dynasty is, it is said, of Kshatriya origin;[536] but the Kottayam Kings were Nayars – a caste that belongs to Sudra division.[537] It was also known as Puranad (foreign) dynasty. Unlike the other Kerala royal families that followed matrilineal system, the eldest female was not recognised as the head of the family in this dynasty. According to tradition a certain Harischandra Perumal who built a fort at Puralimala was the founder of the Kottayam family. They were called Puranattu Rajas or Puralisas “either because their original family came from outside Kerala or because they ruled over‘Purainad’ which means the land of mountains.”[538]

The family was divided into three Kovilagams (branches of the royal family), namely the Eastern, Western and Southern, from the positions which their palaces occupied round the big tank at Kottayam.

When the English settlement was established at Tellicherry, the Kottayam Raja (the English called him “the Cotiote” Raja) was one of the first Malabar princes with whom the Company came into formal relations. The history of Kottayam was characterised by strife and instability. Its frontiers never remained fixed, and it suffered from constant attacks from its neighbours – Kadathanad, Kolathunad and Cannanore. From an entry in the Tellicherry factory diary, under date August 7, 1726, it would appear that the Kadathanad Raja was at war with the Kottayam Raja as well as with the French. Robert Adams, however, succeeded in bringing about a settlement between the two Rajas so that the Kadathanad Raja would be free to attack the French. In 1729 when the new Raja of Kottayam increased the customs duties, the British sought the help of the Prince Regent of the Kolathiri family. The Prince stopped the movement of pepper from Kottayam along the Codoly River. It had its desired effect and the Kottayam Raja reduced the custom duty.[539]

Kottayam produced excellent pepper, and foreign trading Companies vied with one another to get the support of its ruler. The Raja soon became friendly with the British and they were able to procure large quantities of pepper.[540] When the Canarese conquered large chunks of territories in Malabar (supra ch. I), the Kottayam Raja strove hard to protect the Dharmapattanam Island from the invaders. The British were also equally interested in the island and they asked the Kottayam ruler to reinforce his posts there. [541]

Dharmapattanam Island was located in a strategic area, and it was claimed by the Mappilas, the Prince Regent of Kolathiri family and the Kottayam Raja. The Hindu Rajas of Kottayam and Kolathunad expelled the Mappilas from the island and stationed their soldiers there. With the arrival of the Canarese, the island once again became a bone of contention, and the British and French Companies also wanted to bring it under their control.[542] The British did not want either the Canarese or the French to occupy the island.

They therefore approached the Kottayam Raja to give them permission. The Kottayam Raja demanded 61,000 fanams and half the customs duties from the island.[543] The factors wrote to Bombay about the demand of the Raja and waited for their approval. Since they did not get immediate orders from Bombay, they thought that they should accept the terms of the Raja since they were “on the spot and consequently better judges of times and circumstances than others at a distance.”[544]

After much delay Bombay authorities wrote to Tellicherry to offer 45,000 fanams to the Raja and 20,000 to his minister. But the Raja was not in a hurry to come to a settlement and gave an evasive answer which further delayed the matter. The French in the meantime attempted to get the island from the Kottayam Raja, and the French officer, m. Louet, had talks with the Raja and offered a loan of 30,000 fanams.[545]

While the Raja was dilly-dallying without coming to a decision, the Canarese attacked Kottayam. A part of the island was occupied by about 5,000 Canarese on February 5, 1755. When the French did not come to the help of the Kottayam Raja, he appealed to the English to come to his rescue He granted a olla (a palmyra leaf on which a deed or document is written) to Stephen Law, the Tellicherry Chief, permitting them to their “Possessing Dharmapattanam and hoisting your Colours on such places as you think necessary for its security.”[546] It was indeed a good bargain for the English, and they at once sent 400 Company soldiers to occupy the island. The Kottayam Raja informed the factors that his predecessors had never allowed a foreigner to settle in his country and hoped that the English would not give an occasion to “those who bear him and us ill-will to reproach.”[547] He expected their help in times of danger, but they did not extend wholehearted support when the Canarese attacked Kottayam. The factors followed a vague policy and expressed the fear “should the natives win over the Canarese, we can expect their ire may be turned against us, with the assistance of the French.”[548]

The English toyed with the idea of making Dharmapattanam their headquarters because it could be easily defended and was situated in a strategic place.[549] When the Canarese threat became more serious, the English thought of forming an alliance of country powers against them.[550]The Kottayam Raja signed a defensive and offensive alliance with the English against the Canarese and other enemies on February 23, 1736, and declared: “… and as along as my reign continues, there will be no differences in my friendship with the Honourable English Company.”[551]

The activities of the French in Malabar impelled the English to enlist the support of as many native rulers as possible. In July 1748 the Kottayam Raja granted another olla excluding other Europeans except the English Company from the trade in pepper and cardamom, and declared: …” should I want assistance the said Company are to afford it to me, and I will reciprocally supply them with what succours they may stand in need of.”[552] This grant is very important in that it gave the English Company virtual monopoly of pepper trade in the Kottayam area. Byfeld’s clever diplomacy at last bore fruit and the prestige and influence of the Company increased steadily.

When the Kolathiri Prince Regent, in collusion with the French, harassed the English, the factors sought the assistance of the Kottayam Raja.[553] The Kottayam Raja agreed to support the English and demanded a lump sum of 3,000 rupees and also 40 rupees per day during the period of war to meet daily expenses. Since the threat of Prince and the French was of a serious nature, the English accepted his terms. [554]Captain Cameron defeated the combined forces and destroyed the batteries and the French were repulsed. [555]  The Kottayam Raja also intervened in this war and forced the Prince’s army to withdraw form the neighborhood of Tellicherry.[556] The Kottayam Raja signed a defensive treaty with Tellicherry factory to assist the English in the hostilities against the Kolathiri Prince Regent. He agreed to send thousand men with arms, and the English, on their part, assured him: “ Should the King of Cotiote (Kottayam) be attacked by an enemy whatsoever, the Honourable Company oblige themselves on the arrival of the shipping from Bombay to supply him with ball and powder to be paid for at the same rate as issued to the Princes of Cherika.” [557]The attempts of the French to weaken the position of the English by forging an alliance with the Kolathiri Prince Regent did not succeed because of the assistance given by native rulers like the Kottayam Raja and the Iruvazhinad Nambiars.

An internal strife broke out in the meantime in the Kottayam family. There were rival claimant to the throne, and vice- Regent of Kottayam, a friend of the English, managed to seize power his coronation took place in June 1759.[558] But his 14 year old brother rose against him, and he was backed by powerful Kottayam Nayars. The vice-Regent requested the Company to help him, and the factors made use of that opportunity to extract more privileges from him. He agreed to supply 2,000 to 6,000 armed men to assist the British if their forts were attacked by the French.[559]

The factors tried their best to bring about a settlement between the two brothers. Since the rebel prince was adamant, the British decided to help the vice- Regent. The Company’s troops marched into Kottayam on September 15, 1759.[560] The frightened rebel prince agreed to surrender and gave up the Nettur fort. Finally the brothers came to an understanding and the Company’s troops were withdrawn on September 17, 1759.[561] During the period of internecine warfare, the Dutch were gradually eliminated and they had to sell their principal Fort in Malabar, St. Angelo, to the Ali Raja, the French were encircled, and the British expanded their sphere of activity in such a manner as to become a strong force in Malabar politics.

Mysorean Menace

The Mysorean invasions (supra chaps. I, II, III &! V) wrought terrible havoc  in Kottayam also. Hyder’s army entered Kottayam in March 1766, and the Mapilla soldiers of the Kottayam Raja deserted him and joined the enemy. The Kottayam Nayars put up a feeble resistance and were driven away by an artillery attack.[562] Kottayam shared the fate of other Malabar principalities which fell one after another before the fierce marauders. None of the armies of the Malabar Rajas was able to cope with the rapid mobility of the Mysoreans and the sheer mass of their disciplined battalions. And yet the Kottayam Nayars tried their best to harass them by adopting guerilla tactics. The Kottayam Raja became a loyal ally of the English, and the combined forces attacked Cannanore on March 9, 1768 but without success.[563] Even though Kottayam Nayars were brave fighters, the brutal warfare in which villages were gutted and men and animals slaughtered took the will to flight out the enemy. But whenever Hyder’s fortune began to ebb, they attacked the Mysoreans with renewed vigour. The British encouraged the Rajas of Kottayam, Kadathanad and Calicut to join together to throw off the yoke of Mysore.[564] When war broke out between England and France, Colonel Braithwaite arrived with a European battalion at Tellicherry on March 2, 1779. The Company supplied the Kottayam Raja with arms and ammunitions, and his active support enabled the English to capture Mahe.

The British attacking the Mysoreans

After the victory, the Company left the Kottayam Raja to his own resources and did not openly assist him in his wars with the Mysoreans. The English were at peace with Hyder at that time, and the Kottayam ruler was left in a cruel way.

The Chirakkal Raja, a lackey of Hyder in Malabar, advanced with his troops and harassed Tellicherry and Kottayam.[565] Later he was helped by Balwant Rao, Mysorean Officer, “in crushing the insurrection of the Kottayam Raja who was again forced to flee the country.[566]

When Tellicherry was seriously threatened by the Mysorean, the British officers in Bombay thought of evacuating the English from Tellicherry.[567] But the Tellicherry factors threw cold water on this proposal and sought the help of the Kottayam Raja. The Tellicherry Resident, William Freeman, had talks with Major Abington and the Kottayam Raja, and they worked out a plan to attack the enemy.[568] The plan put forward by the Kottayam Raja was accepted by the English, and it was decided that the Kottayam forces should attack the besieging Mysorean army from the rear and Major Abington to make a frontal attack and catch the enemy between two fires.[569] The Kottayam Raja himself was in great danger, but he wanted to be loyal, “who though deserted by the Company in the time of his need, stood staunchly by his friends at this crisis.” [570] When reinforcements from Bombay came, Major Abington defeated the enemy forces besieging Tellicherry on January 8, 1762 and captured a number of outposts and the Mysorean Commander.[571] In January 1782 the British informed the Kottayam Raja that he was indebted to the Company for the recovery of his country and demanded that he should turn over the entire quantity of pepper procured in Kottayam to the English at a reasonable rate.[572]

Kottayam was once again exposed to bitter hardships when Tipu’s forces poured into Malabar. The Kottayam Raja desperately resisted Tipu, and his Nayar soldiers carried on protracted guerilla warfare. Tipu’s religious bigotry made the Nayars flee the country, and the Raja requested the British “to take the Brahmins, the poor, and the whole kingdom under their protection,” and without waiting for official orders, they took refuge in British territory.[573] Tipu asked the factors not to give asylum to the insurgents. [574] The foujdhar of Kottayam (Tipu’s military officer) wrote a strongly worded letter to the British factors condemning their actionin giving asylum to Kotttayam Nairs.

Tipu regarded Malabar as a land of infidels and issued orders to convert the people by using force. His proclamation of 1789 directed that every being should be made a Muslim,[575] and it caused bitter resentment Kottayam. The Kottayam prince Kerala Varma, popularly known as the Pazhassi Raja, used his formidable talents for uniting the Nayars against Tipu. [576] But Tipu acted with the greatest severity and even barbarity in suppressing the rebellion wherever possible. Clarke, in his Life of the Duke of Wellington gives this account of Tipu’s atrocities: “The men who refused to submit to circumcision were hanged on the trees surrounding the villages and the women of the caste, the noblest in India, on refusing to adopt the mahamoodian custom of covering their bosoms, which they consider as a mark of degradation and slavery, had their breasts cut off and suffered many other insults and indignities.” [577]These forcible mass circumcisions and other brutalities of Tipu made the Kottayam Nayars flee to the neighbouring kingdom of Travancore. Another major cause for disaffection was the exorbitant exactions of Tipu’s revenue collectors. His first rental for the Malabar year 960, or 1784/5, must have stood on estimate, as under:

                                 Rs.

                                                                          Kadathanad  ---   50,000

                                                                                Cannanore ---     16, 750

                                                                                Chirakkal ---       1,20,000

                                                                                Kottayam ---      1,00,000

                                                                                Iruvazhinad ---      25,000

                            _____________

                          Total    Rupees        3, 13, 750

From this report it becomes quite apparent that Tipu got handsome revenue from Kottayam.[578]

The Kottayam Raja, finding no other way to throw off Tipu’s yoke, went to Coorg to meet him in person. He pleaded with him to change his mind, and Tipu finally agreed to revise Arshed Beg’s settlement. He also got form Kottayam Raja “ a Deed of relinquishment of the Wynad District in consideration of which he allowed a reduction of about Rs. 35,000 from the former Jumma of one Lac …” [579] When the Kottayam Raja told him that his country was over-assessed, Tipu agreed to send the Amin (Revenue Officer) to ascertain the total revenue. “The Ameen’s account for Cotiote is Hoons 40,000, but this is with reason presumed to include Wynaad, and that the Revenue of Cotiote below the ghats were fixed ant 81,000 Rupees of Hoons 25,920.[580]

Tipu’s oppression and his policy of forcible conversion and extirpation of the Hindus made the Kottayam Raja and others flee the country.[581]  After the death of the Chirakkal Raja, “ his property and Country, as well as that of the Cotikote and Cartenad Rajahs were seized upon by Tippoo, who established therein his own Collectors …” When Tipu was engaged in his wars against Travancore, the English informed the ministers of the Kottayam and Chirakkal Rajas that they would give them protection.[582] Although Tipu failed in his first attempt to break the Travancore lines due to heavy monsoon, he again came with a strong force to invade Travancore.  Travancore Raja wrote to George Powney: "On the 13th of the month the troops of Tipu Sultan commenced an assault on my lines which was returned. On the 14th likewise an engagement occurred. On the 15th in the morning they entered the Lines, made a desperate attack, and killed and wounded 4,000 of my people and as, they were in great force, my Lines surrendered to the Sultan. It is my bad fortune that no opportunity presented for the Company's troops to come to my assistance. As I place the greatest confidence in the Resident, I write this to impart to him my affliction, whose speedy reply I hope for." It was at this critical juncture, news reached Tipu that Cornwallis had concluded an alliance with the Nizam of Hyderabad and the Mahrattas against him. When Tipu realized the magnitude of the alliance against him, he abandoned his campaign in Travancore and rushed back to Myusore to prepare his defences.Taking advantage of the absence of Tipu, the British forces entered Malabar and they were greeted by the Rajas and chieftains who had lost their power. The strategically located Palghat came under the British in September 1790. The British brought all the fortresses on the coast. The remnant of the Tipus army in Malabar was commanded by Martab Khan. At the battle of Tirurangadi, Tipus forces were defeated and Martab Khan had to flee with the vestige of his forces. After completely routing Tipus forces, General Abercrombie landed at Tellicherry. He won a great victory at Cannanore on December 16 by defeating Tipu’s men and Ali Raja’s forces. With the capture of Cannanore, the entire Malabar province came under the British.

The period surveyed in this chapter saw the collapse of the Nayar hegemony in Malabar politics. Malabar was a part of the Chera kingdom.  After the collapse of the Cheras, the Chera territorial power had shrunk to virtually nothing. Everywhere it had been replaced by a wide variety of autonomous political entities. Malabar was a hodgepodge of feudal fiefs at the time of Mysorean invasions.  Numerous Nayar landholders fought for domination over territories, but there was no central authority.  The Zamorin with the help of Nair warriors and Muslim partisans established control over vast territories.  The Kottayam Raja was merely a Chieftain, and his Nayar soldiers played a prominent role at the time of Mysorean aggression. They were primarily a military caste, and they wielded power and authority within the narrow limits of their small principality. Even though there were recurrent internal rivalries and wars, they managed to survive by consolidating their position under the Rajas who emerged victorious in the conflicts. In fact, Nayar chieftains often warred amongst themselves over territories.­  They were local fighters and heroes.  But when they were exposed to external aggression, and that too by powerful forces like the Canarese and Mysoreans, they faltered and finally succumbed. This is the beginning of the collapse of Nayar superiority in Malabar history.  Hyder and Tipu invaded Malabar and there was Muslim dominance with the help of the quisling Ali Raja until 1792. After the Battle of Seringapatom, the British had to deal with the Rajas of Calicut, Kolathunad, Kadathunad, Kurumbranad, Kottayam, Palghat and Walluvanad. With the defeat of Pazhassi Raja, the entire Malabar came under the British. This also brought to an end the dominance of Nayar s in Malabar politics.  This period is significant in Malabar history because it witnessed the fall of the Nayar power which dictated Malabar politics for years after the fall of the Chera kingdom   .

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

CHAPTER VI

BRITISH SOVEREIGNTY OVER MALABAR

General Aberceromby captured Cannanore on December 16, 1790, and the remaining strongholds held by Tipu fell quickly, and by the beginning of 1791, the British became masters ofMalabar. Meanwhile Cornwallis, the Governor General, marched against Seringapatam and besieged it in Februay 1792. Abercromby joined him with reinforcements, and Tipu, finding his position untenable, accepted the terms offered by Cornwallis in March 1792, According to the Treaty of Seringapatam, Tipu ceded Malabar to the British, which eventually led to their assumption of sovereignty over the provinces.

Conwallis wrote to Malet as early as 1790 that he was determined “on account of the shocking barbarity with which he (Tipu) has treated the Nairs of Malabar to insist upon his setting those people free from future dependence upon him.” [583] The original idea of Cornwallis was to reinstate the Malabar Rajas in their respective kingdoms and to collect tribute from them. He wanted to win them over “and to agree to their becoming the dependants and subjects of the Honourable Company to which we shall add that in order to secure a willing obedience from the Malabar Chiefs, we should be contented with their paying a very moderate tribute provided they will give the Company advantageous privileges for carrying on a commerce in the valuable production of the country. [584] Even before the war was over, the British were eager to evolve a pratical strategy to deal with the Rajas who had lost their principalities.

The Tellicherry factors asked their superiors at Bombay to give them proper guidelines with regard to these Rajas: “We have to remark that it will prove a matter of extreme difficulty to satisfy so many claimants and to keep them in any tolerable degree of dependence and we take the liberty to recommend to your consideration by what mode of tenure they are to hold their respective possessions whether as independent Rajas or whether as Zamindars of the Company. If the former, what stipulations you would wish us to make with them.”[585] But even before specific orders were sent, Robert Taylor, Tellicherry Chief, granted cowls (deed) to the Malabar Rajas, promising that the Company would “assist and protect them.” If they “enter heartily in the war against Tippoo Sultan and act rigorously against him.” These terms were accepted by the Chirakkal, Kottayam and Kadathanad Rajas, and they stood by the English in the final phase of the war against Tipu.[586]

The Treaty of Seringapatam left the East India Company sovereign over Malabar. But the province at the time it was ceded, had no form of government, and the palaces of the Rajas and the jenmies (landowners) were deserted and in ruins. “Twenty five years of Mysorean occupation had practically reduced this fertile country into a wilderness. The once prosperous kingdom of the Zamorin had been the scene of a continuous warfare and military occupation during the whole of this period. The peasantry had taken shelter in the forests. The Nayar nobility had been dispossessed… [587] There was total disarray, and Malabar was politically and economically shattered. A British report described the region as “split into a number of kingdoms and principalities: a prey to the bigotry of its late Muhammadan conquerors: abandoned by its principal landholders; and distracted by the degradation and rapacity of the Mapila banditry.”[588]

Cornwallis took keen interest in the affairs of Malabar, and wrote to Dundas on March 17, 1792: “The Rajas on that (Malabar) coast are not independent, but now became our subjects, and if we can put them in some degree on the footing of the Bengali Zamindars, and prevent their oppressing the people under them, the commerce of that country in pepper, spices etc., may become extremely advantageous to the Company.” [589] He also recognised the importance of Malabar and its strategic value, and pointed out that he was “anxious to introduce and establish with as much despatch as may be practicable a system for their future government …”[590]

Cornwallis, therefore, issued orders for the appointment of a Commission “to enquire into the present state of the ceded districts, and to establish such a system for their future Government.”[591] In pursuance of these orders Abercromby, the Governor of Bombay, came down to Cannanore (supra ch. II. P. 96) and authorized Farmer, a Senior Merchant, and Dow, the Military Commandant at Tellicherry, to make the necessary enquiry and recommend an interim arrangement for the administration of Malabar.[592]The Commissioners appointed by the Company had to perform an extremely difficult task. They had to preserve the peace of the country, settle the disputes of rival claimants, fix the amount of tribute to be paid by the native princes and chiefs and to prepare a comprehensive report on the most suitable system of establishing the authority of the Company in Malabar.

The Commissioners asked the Rajas to sign a temporary agreement with the Company, and the principal features of the agreement are:

1.      The Raja could exercise his rights and authority “subject only to the control of the Company in case of oppressing the inhabitants.”

2.      A Resident or Dewan would be appointed in each principality “to enquire into any complaint of oppression.”

3.      Two officers of the Company and two servants of the Raja were appointed “to make a valuation of the revenues of each district.”

4.      Each Raja had to pay revenue as fixed by the Commission.

5.      Each Raja should deliver the Government’s share of pepper “at a price fixed” by the Commission.

6.      The remaining pepper to be sold only to the “merchants appointed by the Company.”

7.      The Raja’s tribute was settled “according to the appearance of the crop.”[593]

The Commissioner’s original idea was to assess a tax or tribute for each principality and to hold the Raja responsible for collecting the revenue from it. The Company did not want to interfere in the internal affairs of a principality, provided the pepper monopoly which it got from Tipu was fully safeguarded. There were rival claimants and many of the Rajas who had fled to Travancore during the period of Mysorean oppression had not yet returned. They, therefore, did not subscribe to the view of Cornwallis to introduce the principles of British administration in the province.[594]

The Kadathanad Raja was the first to agree to this settlement, and similar agreements were next accepted by the Rajas of Chirakkal (Kolathiri) and Kottayam. After effecting a political settlement with some minor Rajas in the North, the Commissioners came to Calicut to tackle the Zamorin. But the Zamorin did not show any eagerness to come to a settlement. Without meeting the Commissioners, he went to Chavakkad and celebrated his Ariyittuvazhcha (the ceremony connected with his coronation) in April 1792. “His enthronement without the concurrence and assent of any officer of the Company’s government” was not liked by the Commissioners.[595]

During the days of Tipu’s oppression in Malabar, Ravi Varma, a younger member of the Zamorin’s family of Padinjare Kovilakam ( western palace), met General Meadows at Coimbatore, and obtained from him a cowl on September 27, 1750 in the name of Kishen Raja, heir apparent of the Zamorin who had sought asylum in Travancore.[596]In that cowl (supra ch.II, p. 95) he was invested “with the sole management of all the countries heretofore included in the province of Calicut which are or may be conquered by the British troops.”[597] It was on the basis of this cowl that the Zamorin claimed that he could continue to be the ruler and felt that there was no need for another agreement with the Commissioners, for, he feared, it would curtail his powers.

Since the Zamorin did not personally appear before the Commissioners, they proceeded to make a settlement with Vira Varma Raja of Kurumbranad by which Kolakkad, Payyanad, Payormala, Kilakkampuram, Vadakkampuram and Pulayair were leased to Vira Varma Raja for the sum of Rs. 1, 40,000 for one year. But five of these districts originally belonged to the Zamorin. It was declared in the agreement that all persons in the above districts should obey Vira Varma Raja as the representative of the Company, and give him the revenue of the districts.[598]Unlike the previous settlement with the Northern Rajas, these districts were given only on lease and it was made clear that the Raja was only the Company’s manager and not the rightful ruler.

Since the Zamorin still refused to come to terms, another settlement was made with Itta Punga Achan of Palghat, and the district was leased to him on June 12, 1792 for one year for a sum of Rs. 80,000.[599]They also restored to him the Nanduvattam area which was then under the Zamorin’s possession.[600]

The Commissioners restored to the Vellatiri Raja the districts that once belonged to him. But owing to his inability to preserve the peace of the district, which was often disturbed by the Mappilas, the Commissioners assumed immediate management of the country. A pension was granted to the Raja.[601]

When the Zamorin realized that his position was becoming insecure, he finally decided to come to a settlement with the Commissioners. He sent the Munalpad (Third Prince) and his minister, Swaminatha Pattar, to negotiate with the Commissioners. They demanded that the terms of the Cowlnams of 1790 must be implemented and that the Zamorin must get back all his former territories. There was some justification in their demand, “for the princes of the Zamorin’s family had been conducting themselves as independent Rajas ever since the cowlnams were granted, collecting revenue, administering justice and making war upon their enemies.”[602] Ravi Varma who was mainly responsible for getting the cowlnams, “proclaimed a general war against the Muhamadans after the expulsion of Tippu’s forces in 1791 to wipe off the memory of the dark days of 1788.” They attached great importance to the cowlnams, and “all the Rajahs of the (Zamorin’s) family bound themselves by oath to adhere to each other, and to stand out on the ground of the cowl granted by General Meadows to Kishen Rajah, claiming at last all their ancient rights as the condition of their accepting of any change.”[603] But the Commissioners were not in a mood to entertain the plea of the Zamorin’s representatives. For one thing, the Mysorean occupation had drastically changed the old order. The Commissioners were convinced of the fact that the Zamorin could not exercise his former authority and maintain law and order in the country without the help of the Company’s forces. Besides, they were sore concerned about the revenue that would come to the Company than about the ancient political rights and privileges of the Zamorin. Therefore, as early as May 27, 1792, long before the Zamorin’s representatives had called on them, the Commissioners had made up their minds against the Zamorin’s restoration.[604]

The Zamorin was very much worried over the indifferent attitude of the Commissioners, and he was extremely anxious to know about his future. But Farmer was firm in his stand against the Zamorin, and he expressed the view that the Zamorin’s Government was feudal and expensive, guilty of suppressing the rights of the Mappilas He also felt that the Zamorin would oppose the Company’s authority in Malabar, if he were to come to power.[605] Dow expressed the fear that the British pepper trade would be affected, if the Zamorin were to come to power because of he “same total want of good faith and performance that has prevailed in all they have promised.”[606]

After much vacillation the Zamorin agreed to come to a settlement with the Commissioners. Negotiations were carried on for about two months between the Zamorin and the Commissioners, who “adopted every proper means to destroy in the public mind those lofty notions of their (the princes’) hereditary and full right to sovereignty, which the Zamorin or Samoory and the princes of his family had recently attempted to set up and promulgate.”  [607]

Finally, on the advice of his minister, Swaminatha Pattar, the Zamorin “abandoned his lofty pretensions, and delivered a representation setting forth, that, although he had hoped on the foundation of the cowl, to have been restored to all his countries, yet, as he now learnt that the Company’s Government considered them as theirs, and had ( as he was advised) relinquished Coimbatore to preserve Malabar, by the defence of which much expense, he acknowledged, would be incurred, he is therefore content to collect the revenue and to govern the country, in such manner as the Government may think fit, happy to live under their protection, and trusting to their bounty for everything.” [608]

After prolonged confabulations the Commissioners arrived at a settlement by which the districts of Kasba, Ramnad, Vadakkampuram, Kizhakkampuram, Ponani, Cheranad, Nedunganad, Venkattakotta, Chavakkad, Karimpuzha, Ernad, Malappuram, Kollangode, Koduvayyur and Menakara were leased to him. [609] He was authorized “to make the collections, to administer justice and all other rights ceded by Tipu Sultan to the English Company.” [610] In return for these privileges the Zamorin agreed to pay Rs. 4,16,366 ¼ in three instalments. With regard to the mint of the Zamorin, he offered Rs. 12, 000 to the Company. But the Commissioners demanded Rs. 30,000, and finally they arrived at a compromise by which the Zamorin agreed to pay Rs. 15, 000.[611]

The Zamorin was also temporarily vested with judicial authority over some petty Rajas, and it was decided “as a mark of respect and superiority” the revenue fixed for the Rajas of Beypore, Parappanad and Vettathunad should be paid through him.[612]

The Padinjare Kovilakam (western Palace) of the Zamorin’s family was authorised to collect revenue from the Nedunganad district by the Eralpad Raja (the second Raja) of the Zamorin’s family. The Padinjare Kovilakam Raja attempted to become independent of the Zamorin and defied his authority. [613]The Zamorin sought the help of the British, and they sent Captain Burchall who managed to capture him at Cheruplaseri. He, it is said,           “either died or committed suicide the very next day after this humiliation.” At the request of the Zamorin, his brother and nephew were put under restraint, and later released when the Kizhakke Kovilakam Raja (Eastern Palace) stood security for their good behavior. They also paid the arrears of revenue amounting to one lakh of rupees.[614]

The Commissioners gave the Zamorin’s Minister, Swaminatha Pattar, one per cent of the collections from the Zamorin’s districts. The brother and nephew of the Padinjare Kovilakam branch of the Zamorin’s family suspected the motives of Swaminatha Pattar, and they cleverly “enticed him to their residence at Mankavu stabbed him on the back and fled to the hills.”[615] The Zamorin, however, remained subservient to the British. In the meantime W. Page was appointed as third member of the Bombay Commission, and he assisted Farmer in his dealings with the northern Rajas.

The Commissioners fixed the revenue of Chirakkal at Rs. 50,000. The price of pepper was fixed at Rs. 5 per pound or 100 rupees per Tellicherry candy of 640 pounds.[616]

Then the Commissioners entered into an agreement with the Kadathanad Raja. Tipu had ceded the taluks of Kuttipuram, Badagara and Kavilampara (which formerly belonged to the Kadathanad Raja) to the Company and the Commissioners claimed that they were “the rightful sovereigns in virtue of the cessions of Tippoo Sultan.” It was decided that the “ Raja Porlatteri Coda Varma should pay to the Honourable Company at Tellicherry the sum of Bombay Rs. 30,000 or its equivalent coins of the country, or in pepper at the following periods, viz:-

One-half or 15,000 rupees on the 1^st day of the Malabar month (coombom) answering to about the 19^th of February 1795.

Rs. 15,000 on the 1^st month (Eddavam) answering to about the 10^th of May 1793.”[617]

After this, the Commissioners entered into an agreement with Kerala Varma, theKottayam Raja. Tipu had ceded the taluks of Katirur, Pazhassi, Kuttiyadi and Thamarassery (which formerly belonged to the Kottayam Raja) to the Company. It was decided that Kerala Varma “should pay to the Honourable Company at Tellicherry the sum of Bombay Rs. (20,000) twenty thousand or its equivalent in coins of the country, or in pepper.[618]

Revised Settlement

In December 1792 two Bengal Commissioners, Jonathan Duncan and Charles Boddam, arrived in Malabar. Cornwallis gave them instructions to conduct a thorough study of the situation in Malabar and to make recommendations for the establishment of a new system of judicial administration.[619] They were also asked to study the revenue settlements already arrived at with the native rulers and to suggest new methods to improve cultivation. [620] He instructed them to find out “the amount of revenue which these several Districts are capable of paying and may be equitably assessed at; together with the particulars of their interior and foreign trade, on which subject you will form and report your opinion as to the best means of improving both, in such manner as shall have the greatest tendency  to conciliate the Commercial interests of the Company with those of the natives, and best promote the internal prosperity of the Country at large.” [621] The Commissioners were specifically asked to find out “the revenue capacity of the country and advised them to fix it on “a fair and equitable Jama” (revenue settlement). [622] In his view, it should be “in general lighter than that exacted from them by Tippu.” [623]

The Bibi of Cannanore agreed to pay in three instalments the sum of Rs. 28,680.12.3 which was in arrear on account of the revenue, and she promised that she would “use neither delay nor evasion.”[624] She also signed another agreement to pay a moiety of the produce of the country and half of the annual profits of the trade with the Laccadives.[625]

The Joint Commissioners (Bombay and Bengal) believed the statement of Veera Varma, the Kurumbranad Raja, and allowed him to collect the revenue in 11 taluks.[626] He entered into a separate akarnams (written agreement) with the Commissioners regarding the mode of collection and registration of revenue. [627] He was granted a permanent lease not only for the district of Kurumbranad, but also for Kottayam and Parappanad. But Kottayam at that time was claimed by his nephew Kerala Varma – popularly known as the Pazhassi Raja, [628] and his uncle, a rightful claimant, was powerless to execute his own orders in the Pazhassi country. The Joint Commissioners’ agreement with the so-called Kurumbranad Raja regarding the collection of revenue in some districts of Kottayam was the main cause of the estrangement between the British authorities and the Pazhassi Raja which resulted in the latter’s rebellion ( infra ch. VII).

The Joint Commissioners wanted to consolidate their position in the Zamorin’s territory. They appointed Inspectors or Collectors to carry on the collection of revenue “jointly with the officers of the Samoory Raja (Zamorin) in conjunction with Canangoes, who are to be appointed as permanent Registrars on the part of Government. [629] They abolished all inland duties, tolls and customs, and “that the duties on merchandise be only collected on export by sea or land to, or imports from the countries beyond the Honourable Company’s province of Malabar.”[630] But the Zamorin was not willing to surrender his mint to the Company, for he considered it not only as being coeval with sovereignty of his family but as what he conceived he had principally to rely on for subsistence.[631] After a prolonged discussion, they came to a a settlement. The Company had the right to make all arrangements as to what kind of coins were to be made – the quality of the alloy and the duties to be paid by the merchants and bankers on the coinage of their metals. It was also agreed to divide equally between the Zamorin and the Company, after all charges deducted, the net profit that would accrue from the mint.[632]

The Commissioners examined the claims of the other members of the Zamorin’s family living in different Kovilagams (palaces). It was agreed that each branch of the royal family should receive something “as nearly proportionate as possible to their respective receipts under the old Zamorin before the time of Haider’s conquests.” [633] It was finally decided t o set apart for their maintenance twenty percent of the total land revenue collections, ten per cent of the gross customs and half the net profit of the mint.[634]

 

Administrative Changes

The Commissioners got the approval of the Governor, Abercromby, to effect some changes in the general administration of the province. William Gemull Farmer was appointed on March 18. 1793 as the Supervisor and Chief Magistrate of the ceded districts. Even though the Pazhassi Raja affair remained unsettled, Farmer wanted to settle certain outstanding disputes. One such was the dispute between the Zamorin and Punattur Raja. The Punattur Raja was the descendant of one Kakat to whom, according to tradition, Chavakkad was granted by the Cheraman Perumal (legendary king of Kerala). But the Zamorin had reduced him to the lowly position of collector of his revenues.[635] Farmer intervened and succeeded in making the Zamorin grant 20,000 fanams or Rs. 5, 700 annually for his support. [636]

Farmer’s revenue policy was defective in many respects. He was influenced by Duncan, one of the Commissioners, who advised him that “no consideration of pecuniary advantage to the Honourable Company ought to induce him to enter into, or very much risk the contingency of being led into a state of warfare with any of the Rajas, especially with those who hold cowls from the chiefs of Tellicherry.”[637] Accordingly, Farmer made certain concessions to the Kadathanad Raja. Instead of half the produce in kind, he was asked to pay half of the pattam (land revenue). It was agreed that “of the pattam or produce of the dhanmurry (bundles or sheaves of rice plants) received from the cultivator 6/10^th are to be paid to the Company as nigudi ( revenue assessment), the produce b eing receivable in kind, the Company’s collectors may so receive it, or at the market price of the year, but as it was stated to be more satisfactory to the cultivator and all parties to settle a price, the price was settled at Rs. 41 – 8- 0 per mille dangallies”[638] ( a measure used for measuring grain). This mistaken policy was later rescinded by the Governor – General. But the concession given to the Northern Raja secured for the time being the tranquility of the northern division.

Farmer, in his anxiety to win over the Pazhassi Raja, gave special concession to him, even without getting the permission of the Governor. He also effected another settlement regarding t districts of Katirin, Pazhassi, Kuttiyadi and Tamarasseri. It was agreed “that people shall be produced on the part of the Company and of the Raja to make a fair inspection of the state of the country what is cultivated uncultivated and to whom it belongs.” [639]

On February 25, 1794 James Stevens, Senior, became the Supervisor. He did not like the conciliatory terms offered by Farmer to the Northern Rajas. He gave the Bengal Government a vivid account of the developments in Malabar, and they gave orders to rescind the earlier agreements and called them “concessions improper and impolitic as well as opposed to the regulations framed by the Governor – General on the Joint Commissioners’ report.”

Another important achievement of Stevens was the execution of the quintessential agreements by the Rajas and Chiefs in the South. It was made clear that “there should be established one Civil Government subordinate to that of Bombay with suitable Courts of Justice and other establishment for the general administration.”[640] The Malabar Rajas were prohibited from imposing any new tax but were allowed only the collection of land revenue.[641]

Most of the Rajas and chiefs accepted the decision of the Company, even though they were reduced to the position of revenue farmers. They, however, failed to remit the amount in time and arrears accumulated. Jonathan Duncan, one of the members of the Joint Commissioners, became the Governor of Bombay, and he visited Malabar in December 1795. He carried on talks with the Rajas and Chiefs, especially with the Rajas of the Padinjare Kovilagam of the Zamorin’s family. He finally allowed an allowance of Rs. 10,000 for their maintenance payable to the Zamorin.[642]

Another matter that drew the attention of Duncan was that out of a total revenue of something more than fourteen lakhs of rupees due for the year ending September 1795, more than six lakhs of rupees remained uncollected on October 3, 1795. Duncan suggested that each Raja should sign separate agreements, deposit good securities and pay interest on arrears.[643] The Chirakkal Raja agreed to pay:

Rupees 15,000 on the 20^th Werooshigam - instant (Malayalam month between the middle of November and December).                                                                                           

        Rupees 15,000 on the 2^nd Danoo (between the middle of December and January).

        Rupees 15,000 on the 16^th Makaram ( between the middle of January and February),       ­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­

        Rupees 45,000. [644]

       The Kadathanad Raja agreed to pay:

Rupees 10,000 on the 2^nd Danoo.

        Rupees 10,000 on the 16^th of Danoo. 

        Rupees 10,000 on the 2^nd of  Makaram ­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­and   Rupees 30,000.[645]

The Bibi of Cannanore agreed to pay the sum of 10,000 rupees[646] and the Zamorin agreed to pay the balance due of the third kist[647] to the Honourable Company, 58,000 rupees, after paying the remainder for the year 970, “I will on the 30^th of Danoo deliver to the Sircar.”[648]

It was also agreed upon to pay interest on all arrears at the following rates:

For the first 8 days after due date 12 percent per annum.

Do            next 29              do             24            do            do.

Do            do    30              do             36            do            do.

If they did not pay the arrears within twenty eight days, the Company authorities had the right to enter into possession and collect the revenue direct from the ryots until enough security was given “for the future punctuality of the payments.”[649]

Powers of the Rajas Curbed

The systematic drive to collect the revenue, even though good in itself, bristled with many difficulties. It becomes quite obvious that the later confrontation with the Pazhassi Raja was mainly because of the desire of the English to get as much revenue as possible. Even the tractable and loyal allies of the English did not appreciate the revenue policy of the British. The Zamorin, for instance, wrote a letter in which he pointed out that “by the ancient customs of Malabar the Nayars held their lands free; they paid no revenue to any one, but were obliged to attend their Rajas when called on to war.” [650] It is true that in a feudal society the Nayars enjoyed certain privileges. But the Mysorean occupation brought about radical changes and the feudal structure had completely collapsed. Lands were surveyed by the Mysoreans and taxation fixed on the basis of produce – a system which was unknown in the days of the Rajas. With the expulsion of Tipu the Rajas felt that they had been restored to their ancient thrones and the Nayars had also a vague feeling that they could once again enjoy all their traditional privileges. At the same time the peasants and the under-privileges. At the same time the peasants and the under-privileged who had enjoyed a brief spell of freedom during the Mysorean occupation bitterly resisted the efforts of the Nayars to control over their properties.[651] This, in essence, was the real cause for the social tension in Malabar. No wonder the Zamorin wrote, “As for me, when my people ask for revenue (from the Mappilas). They shake their swords at them.”[652] Regarding the attitude of the Nayars, he wrote: “they think that my government is returned, and they hope to be relieved of all the apprehensions of Tipu.”[653]

The Zamorin had not realized that times had changed. Even though he was on the throne, it was not a ‘Bourbon Restoration’, for the whole province of Malabar was under the iron boots of the Company. Duncan’s tactics to get more revenue from the Rajas feared them to adopt dubious methods to collect revenue from the people. The Joint Commissioners had themselves complained in their report that “… they (the Rajas) have, (stipulated perhaps in some degree by the uncertainty as to their future situations), acted, in their avidity to amass wealth, more as the scourges and plunderers than as the protectors of their respective little states.”[654]

The Commissioners misunderstood the whole social structure of Malabar. During the period of Mysorean occupation thousands of Hindu jenmis (hereditary owner of land in Malabar) had mortgaged their lands to the Mappilas for small sums of money and emigrated to Travancore. Even after the expulsion of Tipu some of the jenmis did not come back to Malabar. Many of them who returned had to face the hostility of their tenants or Kanumdars. The jenmis demanded the restoration of their jenmam right, but the Kanumdars claimed their own right for the non-redemption of debt. The Commissioners were not well versed with the jenmi rights of Malabar and the arrangements worked out by them had many defects. As Logan says: “The Joint Commissioners viewed the status of a jenmi as being equivalent in all respects to that of a Roman domain.” [655] The Commissioners made the jenmis the lords of all. Taking advantage of this rare privilege, the jenmis began to trample under foot the rights of the ryots. This mistaken revenue policy adopted by the English led to much discontentment among the Mappila ryots, and this was one of the major reasons for Mappila outrages in the 19^th and 20^th centuries.

Revenue was assessed too high for a land that had undergone a quarter of a century of war and general devastation, and the lesser chieftains were unable to pay the Rajas the tribute due from their lands. The Zamorin completely lost his hold over his territory, and he was not even in a position to collect the revenue. He could not pay his dues even for the first year of the quinquennial agreement he had signed with the Company. In 1776 the Company temporarily brought the Zamorin’s lands under their control.[656] The Zamorin assured the Company that he would clear all the arrears, and therefore, Thomas Wilkinson, President of the Commission, issued a Proclamation that “all accounts between the Zamorin and the Honourable Company being adjusted” and that the Zamorin was once again allowed to collect revenue in his lands.[657] But again trouble broke out in Ernad, one of the districts of the Zamorin. A rebel Mappila leader named Attan Kurikkal committed many outrages against the Company. He was connected my marriage with another rebel, Unni Moossa Moopan.[658]  Besides these troubles, the Zamorin was also not in a position to pay all the arrears. Therefore, by another proclamation, the Company assumed the direct management of the Zamorin’s districts in October 1798.[659] The Zamorin family which once won international publicity when Vasco da Gama landed at Calicut in 1498, was now, by executive orders relegated to the position of mere landholders.

The other ancient ruling families also met with the same fate. British authorities got reports from the people about the harsh methods adopted by the Rajas in collecting taxes. The Northern Superintendent pointed out in a proclamation that “many complaints also having come of the oppressions on the Coodians ( peasants or small farmers)”.[660] Since the British had to maintain law and order in the province, they decided to bring the Rajas under their control. They, therefore, assumed charge of the direct management of the Chirakkal Raja’s districts on October 18, 1779.[661] Thus another ancient ruling dynasty of Malabar, the Kolathiri was also reduced to the position of a vasssal.

This policy was extended to other areas also, and many ruling families and powerful Nair chieftains were deprived of their right to collect revenues. The Company justified its action by pointing out that it was mainly because of the violation of the terms of their agreements by the Rajas that they had to take such action. “From a general failure in the fulfillment of their engagements by the Rajahs, Government assumed the collection of revenue at sundry places before the expiration of the settlements in September 1799.” [662] The English were also satisfied with the step taken by them in appointing their own men to collect revenues in the lands of the former ruling families, and they wrote to the Madras Government that “the collection of revenues has proceeded under the sole management and control of the officers of Government – an arrangement from which the best effects have been produced.[663]

Social Reforms

The Commissioners also made determined efforts to eliminate many social evils that persisted in Malabar society. In the feudal set up of Malabar, it was a custom among the Rajas and other Nayar Chieftains to receive gifts and other customary presents from their subordinates and vassals. It can be compared to the privileges of the lords and obligations of the vassals in European feudalism, Here in Malabar the Nayars, Brahmins and other landholders paid no tribute to the Rajas. But on important festival days like Onam and Vishu[664] and on certain other occasions they “took presents from their subjects according to their circumstances.”[665] Bt Tipu abolished these ancient customs and collected taxes from the lands. After the expulsion of Tipu’s forces, the Rajas and other Chieftains not only selected “the revene fixed by Tipu in many places,” they also “extracted under the claims of ancient customs, presents from the subjects of the Company on their several feasts and family ceremonies that some have even claimed a proportion of the effects of dead people. [666]The Commissioners  considered it “a great oppression,” and gave notice to the Rajas and others that in future they should collect only the revenue from the land as settled by Tipu and were forbidden “ from extracting presents from the people under any pretence whatever and any instances we hear of, we shall order to be severely  punished.[667]

The Commissioners prohibited the Rajas and Nayar Chiefs from collecting outstanding arrears of Tipu’s assessment for the years 1790 – 91 and 1791 – 92. It was also brought to their notice that there were inequalities in rating the assessment between the Hindus and Muslims. The Commissioners warned the Rajas and Chiefs for showing partiality, for they considered it “unjust and contrary to the institution of the Honourable Company whose maxim and determination is to look with an equal eye upon and to evince the same degree of regard to all its newly acquired subjects…”[668]

The Commissioners also issued a proclamation against slave traffic. They meted out severe punishments to slave dealers. Fishermen and Mappilas conveying slaves were “severely flogged and fined at the rate of ten rupees each slave.”[669] The then prevalent practice was that bands of robbers would break into certain houses and carry away by force the children of “the most useful inhabitants, the Tiyars and other cultivators.”[670]  The Commissioners gave orders to confiscate vessels that were used in slave trade.

The Nayars took vengeance on the Mappilas by oppressing them and destroying their mosques. They “under the protecting aegis of the Company set themselves up to seek revenge as their former despoilers… The result was awful.”[671] The Commissioners took urgent steps to halt the persecution of the Mappilas by the Nayars. They declared “We hereby warn all persons whatever from molesting them in any shape in future, and the said Mappilas are hereby required to apply themselves to their former occupations and if they meet with any oppressions from the Nairs they must come to Calicut and represent the same to us, when speedy redress shall by given to them.[672]

 

When the Commissioners took charge pepper remained a principal product, and the profits were still high despite the loss of production in the Mysorean period. At first the British decided to continue the monopoly enjoyed by the Mysoreans. “Pepper is reserved solely for the Company,” they declared.[673]But there was smuggling and clandestine purchase of pepper in many parts of the province. All attempts to detect such illicit practices did not succeed. The British, therefore, altered its earlier policy by issuing a proclamation guaranteeing freedom of trade, and declared that ‘every man is free to buy and sell pepper, sandalwood, cardamom, and all sorts of goods whatever except slaves and arms.”[674] The policy of the British was to encourage freedom of trade, and the Supervisor wrote: “The English Government, having nothing more at heart than the promotion of their inhabitants’ happiness and good, and the prosperity of the country, has determined to relinquish in future the monopoly of pepper.”[675]

Judicial and Administrative Reforms

The Commissioners instituted in January 1793 two separate Courts of Enquiry and Justice to “preserve the rights” of the people. The Court of Enquiry was intended for “the investigation of all such subject of revenue and litigated landed claims between the Rajas and other principal landholders.”[676] The Court of Justice was meant for hearing of “all other subjects of claim and litigation not relating to the revenue or landed property between the Rajas etc.,”[677]

 

The Commissioners knew that many persons were illegally kept in jails during the period of Mysorean occupation, and taking into consideration that “it would be neither politic nor just for the present Government to make a strict scrutiny into the manifold enormities committed during he last twenty years in this country,” they issued a proclamation for a general amnesty for all acts of homicide, maiming, robbery and theft committed prior to February 1, 1793.[678]

In March 1793, all the principalities and ancient kingdoms of Malabar were converted into a single province called the Province of Malabar, and it was placed under the control of a Supervisor with his headquarters at Calicut. He was to be assisted by two Superintendents with their hadquarters at Tellicherry in the north, and Cherappulasseri in the south.[679]

The Supervisor had an Assistant attached to him who was “vested with Civil, Criminal and a Police Jurisdiction in Calicut and its vicinity.”[680] The Supervisor had the powers of Chief Magistrate and Judge of the Court of Appeals.[681] He had to make an annual report of the state of Malabar Province to the Bengal Government. A copy of this report was to be regularly transmitted to the Commissioners.[682]

The Superintendents had to go on circuit from 15^th October to 15^th March through the several parts of their respective districts, “halting in each for as many weeks as the business might require.”[683]

One of the commendable acts of the Commissioners was the introduction of the Civil Code on June 12, 1793 for the administration of justice in civil cases. The Superintendents should be judges except in the town of Calicut and the district of the Supervisor.[684] The native officers were to be appointed and removed by the Judges with the approval of the Chief Magistrate.

The Regulation provided for the appointment of Registrars and Pundits. The decrees passed by the Registrar were to be countersigned by the Judge as a mark of his approbation without which such decrees would not be valid.[685]

On July 27, 1794 the Tellicherry factory, which played a crucial role in the Malabar political history for over a century, was abolished. A temporary Commercial Residency was established in this place at Mahe.[686]The Commissioners also recommended “ the immediate reduction and abolition of the Chiefship and of all the establishments dependent on the Chief and factors of Tellicherry, which must not only operate a very considerable annual saving to the honorable Company, but is a necessary and consistent consequence of the several new establishments arising from the late acquisitions of territory in Malabar, according to which the northern Superintendent must naturally be vested with the Political and Judicial jurisdiction within and throughout the ancient limits of the factory of Tellicherry, on the same footing as he stands vested with authority over the rest of the northern districts…”[687]

The Commissioners drew up a comprehensive plan for the administration of the revenue. Their regulations for the administration for the administration of revenue were modeled on the Bengal government, duly modified to suit local condition. They also framed regulations for the civil and criminal administration of justice. Dewans (ministers) were appointed in the Revenue Department and their duty was to assist the Supervisor nd Superintendents. The judicial Department was also reorganised. Seven Darogas or native judges were appointed at Cannanore, Quilon, Tirurangadi, Ponani, Palghat, Tanur and Chetuvai.[688]These seven native judges were subordinate to the Provincial Courts of the Superintendents.

In 1725 the British instituted the Court of Appeals, and people aggrieved by the decisions of the Provincial Court “may bring their cause to by tried in the Court of Appeals.” Persons aggrieved by the decision of the Chief Magistrrates Court (Supervisor) had the right to appeal to the Governor in Council in Bombay.[689]

This arrangement was subsequently superseded by the appointment of three Commissioners with a number of subordinates “who acted in their respective circles as Magistrates and Collectors.” [690]

Robert Clive was not satisfied with the system of Government established in Malabar which was functioning under the Bombay Presidency. Therefore, the Commission was abolished on September 30, 1801, and the the Principal Collectors took charge on October 1, 1801.

In 1802, the judiciary was separated from the executive administration. A Provincial Court was established at Tellicherry presided over by three judges, two of them periodically went on circuit. Zillah (Distract) Courts were established at Tellicherry and Calicut, and later a Registrar’s Court was also established at Calicut.

The Governor-General was very much pleased with the work done by the Commissioners, and he wrote to George Dick, the Governor of Bombay, that it was the desire of the Government to introduce through the Province of Malabar British system of justice and that “the more full and compleat introduction of our Courts and judicial influence through all parts of the Province merit, and have received our serious attention and sanction.”[691]

The period we have just reviewed shows that Malabar, when it was ceded to the British, had no government worth the name. The Mysorean occupation had completely shattered the feudal structure, and the administration of Hyder and Tipu – instead of bringing relief – was a mixture of corruption and extortion. The peasantry had abandoned cultivation and the countryside was a scene of terrible desolation. Now it devolved upon the British to bring order out of chaos and introduce a new administrative system. Two main courses were before them: they could either rule the territory directly or hand back the sovereignty of the province to its Rajas. But they chose via-media course, and with considerable aplomb they attempted to establish a stable administrative system.

The arrangements worked out by the Joint Commissioners with the Malabar Rajas abolished their traditional rights and prerogatives. Most of the Rajas thought that they would get back their kingdoms after the expulsion of Tipu. The cowls granted to the Rajas during the war gave them an assurance that they would be reinstated. But they were terribly disappointed when they were reduced to the position of landholders. Even though the action of the British was illegal, they had no option but to take over the administration right away. Twenty five years of oppressive rule by the Mysoreans had completely changed the political atmosphere, and the traditional rights claimed by the Rajas were totally incompatible with the actual realities of the situation.

The establishment of the British rule in Malabar is perhaps the most outstanding and important event in Kerala history. It was a period of transition, for the feudal structure was radically changed, and forces were set in motion for the transformation and modernization of this ancient land.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

CHAPTER VII

THE PAZHASSI REBELLION

Kerala Varma of Kottayam – popularly known as the Pazhassi Raja – had been more persistent than any of the Malabar Rajas in his opposition to the Mysoreans.[692] While the other Rajas had taken refuge in Travancore, he stayed on in Malabar, and harassed the Mysoreans by adopting guerilla tactics. When the war was still going on he got a cowl from Robert Taylor on May 4. 1790, and the English promised to “assist and protect” him, and also to “do everything in their power to render him independent of Tipoo Sultan.”[693] Since the senior Raja was in Travancore, the responsibility of looking after the family domains fell on him. Robert Taylor wrote to the Bombay Government that the Pazhassi Raja had “ interchanged assurances of amity and friendship with the Honourable Company…”[694] He steadily supported the British in the conflicts with the Mysoreans, and with the cession of Malabar he signed a temporary agreement with the Bombay Commissioners on May 4, 179 for carrying on the Government.[695]

The relationship between the English and the Pazhassi Raja became strained when his uncle Veera Varma – the so-called Kurumbranad Raja – won the favour of the British, by adoption dubious tactics, and got the right to collect taxes in some territories that belonged to the Pazhassi Raja[696] (supra.ch.VI, p. 204). Veera Varma took advantage of the chaotic state of affairs that prevailed in Malabar during the Mysorean occupation, and tried to get ownership of some principalities whose Rajas had fled to Travancore. He had not only cheated the English by advancing false claims, he had also attempted to hoodwink Hyder by communicating with his general, Sirdar Khan, during the siege of Tellicherry ( 1779 – 82).[697]

The Pazhassi Raja strongly condemnedthe action of the Commissioners and defied the authority of the British and his uncle by stopping all ollection of revenue. Since the sovereign authority was with the British, they did not want any native ruler, to disturb the peace of the land – the Pax Brittanica. The Pazhassi Raja not only allowed but encouraged the Nayars “to oppress and maltreat the Mappilas and to injure their temples … in revenge for former molestations of a similar nature by the Mappilas.”[698]

The Commisioners got another report that he killed a Mappila who attempted to build a mosque, without giving him the customary gifts. When the British authorities questioned him, e expressed surprise at his not being “allowed to fellow and be guided by ancient custom” in the execution of an erring Mappila. [699] Again, in September 1793, in a scuffle between Pazhassi’s men and the Mappilas, six Mappilas were killed. In addition, in September 1793, in a scuffle between Pazhassi’s men and the Mappilas, six Mappilas were killed.[700] The Joint Commissioners found him to be “the most untractable and unreasonable of all the Rajas.” [701]

In 1794 when Farmer concluded Quinqennial Lease with Veera Varma, the Pazhassi Raja rose in rebellion. He thwarted the attempts of Veera Varma to collect revenue and threatened to cut down all the pepper vines if the British persisted in counting them. [702]

The Pazhassi Raja again took into his hands by impaling alive in June 1795 two Mappilas for alleged robbery in a Nayar’s house at Venkad in Kottayam taluk.[703] The Supreme Government of Bengal informed the Suprervisor in Malabar that the Pazhassi Raja should be tried for murder. But he could not be apprehended, for he was always guarded by five hundred well armed Nayars from Wayanad.

Troops were, however, sent to Kottayam and Manatana to protect the tax collectors employed by Veera Varma who were often harassed by the Raja’s men. The movement of troops excited his suspicion, and as Rickardo put it: “From this time forward the conduct of Kerala Varma continued to be distinguished by contempt for all authority.”[704] Veera Varma had no influence in Kottayam, and the revenue fell more and more into arrears.[705] In April 1796 a detachment led by Lieutenant James Gordon raided his palace at Pazhassi.[706] But the Raja had secret intelligence of Gordon’s plans, and had four days previously escaped to the jungles of Manatana. Gordon, however, took possession of his palace and seized a quantity of treasure.[707] The troops were permanently stationed in his palace, and this prevented the Raja from coming back to Pazhassi.

The British got secret reports that the Pazhassi Raja, accompanied by his family and supporters, had in May 1796 “ascended the mountains and gone to the Ghat Parayeel in the Wynad country.” In June 1796 he stopped the traffic on the Kuttiyadi Ghat.[708] He could not, however, remain in the jungles for a long period. The heavy rains and the inclement weather in the jungles of Wayanad impelled him to write a penitential letter to Dow lamenting his “ evil fate, which had compelled him to remove from his ancient abode to this strange habitation” and expressing his willingness to come to Pazhassi if pardoned and his property restored.[709]  Pazhassi sent word to Dow, for he was acquainted with him at the time of the siege of Tellicherry. Despite the opposition of the other Commissioners, Dow agreed to reinstate him. When he appeared before Dow, he was taken to Pazhassi by Lieutenant Walker, and his property was restored to him.[710] Dow took security from the Kurumbranad Raja, Veera Varma, and he gave an assurance to the Company that the Pazhassi Raja would “submit to the decision of that Government and conform himself thereto”[711]

Armed Rebellion

Meanwhile orders came from Bombay and Supreme Governments approving of the Pazhassi Raja’s reinstatement. It was specifically mentioned that the Pazhassi Raja should reside as “ a quiet and peacable inhabitant without authority under the directins and guardianship of his superior, the Raja of Koorminad” (Kurumbrand).[712] It was also made clear that Government did not want to take possession of his property and that troops were stationed in his palace “[713]to prevent it from being stolen or plundered.” Dow assured the Pazhassi Raja that “such money and effects as have been in the manner seized shall be restored.”[714]

These lofty assurances could have pacified the Pazhassi Raja, and Dow was also satisfied with the settlement. But these orders of Government were sent through Veera Varma, and he did not give the Pazhassi Raja either the order or the money taken at the sack of his palace, which the Government had ordered to be restored to him. To make matters worse, Veera Varma removed one Kaiteri Ambu, a favourite of the Pazhassi Raja, from the management of the Kottayam district. Pazhassi was very much annoyed at these developments and felt that he was deceived by his uncle in connivance with some of the Commissioners who were against his reinstatement. Since he expected a sudden attack by the English, he “retired to the most impenetrable part of the jungle” All efforts at conciliation failed, partly owing to the suspicion of the Raja, partly to the duplicity of Veera Varma, and the situation became explosive. The British gave him a stern warning and threatened that he would be hunted jungle to junge and finally would be reduced to the position of a homeless vagabond.[715] The Raja and his men set up military posts at “Peruvey, Coonjirot, Carrots and Lodikattala,” felled trees and attempted to cut off British communications.[716]The Supreme Government sent in the meantime orders to the Commissioners to take possession of Wayanad, for the jungles of the place were used for guerilla activitiesby the Raja’s men and also the soldiers of Tipu.[717] The Pazhassi Raja also got the orders regarding “restoration to his districts and property” after much delay. But Veera Varma had not given back the intercepted treasure.

Troops were sent to protect the cardamom crops. The movement of troops in different parts of Wayanad excited the suspicion of the Raja. He, however, attended a meeting arranged with the Northern Superintendent and condemned the action of the British for humiliating him by entrusting everything to Veera Varma. The Superintendent could not arrest him, because he was attended by 1,200 to 1,500 men.[718]

The Raja in the meantime established contacts with Tipu and sought the help of Mysore in expelling the English out of Wayanad. He was actively supported by 11 predominant chieftains, including Parapanad Raja. [719] The British also got reports about the clandestine circulation of olas (palm leaf letters) inciting the people to revolt against the government and preventing them from paying taxes.[720] The Commissioners published a proclamation and warned the Rajah’s followers “… and if these, who are  now with him, do not upon this public notification return to their duty and allegiance they will be considered for ever hereafter as irreconcilable enemies of the Company’s Government, their lands and property will be immediately confiscated and never again to be restored, and the Raja and his friends pursued to their utter extirpation from the Company’s Dominions.”[721] The movement of the troops and the British threat through the proclamation made Kerala Varma seek assistance from Tipu, and he met Tipu’s military officer at Karkankotta.[722]

The British got reports that several inhabitants of Wayanad, Kottayam, Kurumbranad and Iruvazhinad were passing over to the Raja’s side.[723] When Veera Varma felt that the people of Kottayam would turn against him for supporting the British, he got frightened and “showed great lukewarmness in the British cause.” The clandestine circulation of palm-leaf letters widened the Raja’s influence in many parts of Malabar, and the pepper revenue fell into huge arrears. [724]

The Coorg Raja reported that a Malabar Raja met Tipu on the frontier of Mysore.[725]  It is believed that Tipu agreed to give the Pazhassi Raja 2,000 horses and they decided to construct a fort at Koonyallah to attack the British from below the Ghats.[726] Tipu also agreed to supply the Raja with ammunition, and to station 6,ooo Mysoreans under his artillery officer on the Wayanad frontier.[727]

On January 7, 1797 a detachment of 80 men of Captain Lawrence’s battalion was attacked by Kaiteri Ambu, and killed Captain Bowman, Commanding Officer, wounded several officers, and killed many of them.[728]

Excited with this success, the Raja’s men attacked the soldiers stationed at Pazhassi, and killed the entire party excepting one man, who escaped to narrate the account. They killed not only the soldiers but they “cut up with unrelenting fury the women and children” of the detachment.[729] The British had to suffer reverses at Venkad, Dindimal and Mannanderi. Alarmed at these developments, the Bombay Council sent more reinforcement, and appointed General Bowles to carry on the warfare. Bowles and Anderson defeated Ambu at Kottanjary, and Dow proceeded to Wayanad.[730]

In the fierce battles fought for 3 days “between Devote Angady and Cunjote Angady,” the British were overpowered by thousands of Nayars and Kurichiyas (militant hill tribe), and Dow was forced to withdraw from Wayanad. On his way from Perish to Ellacherrum pass, his detachment was attacked by the Raja’s troops among whom Dow found Tipu’s men.[731] On March 18, 1797, a contingent of 1,100 men under Major Cameron was ambushed and cut to pieces while retreating through the Perish pass. Cameron and three other officers were killed by the rebels.[732] In addiction to the two other officers, some Europeans, a considerable member of native officers nd private were either killed or missing.[733] They also lost their arms, baggage ammunition.

Tipu was also corresonding  with France with a view to launching a fresh offensive, and in is a secret letter found in Seringapatam ater the fall of Tipu, he informed the French authorities about the favourable situation in Malabar, especially the “ Chefe de Coutengris”( Kottayam) who had set up the standard of revolt against the British.

Duncan’s Intervention

The Bombay Government realized that the situation was so grave that it decided to send the Governor, Jonathan Duncan, and the Commander-in-Chief to Malabar to conduct a personal enquiry.[734] Duncan wanted to remove all the blunders committed by the Commissioners. His first act was to cancel the agreement that the Commissioners had earlier entered into with Veera Varma. [735] This was, indeed, a bold decision, for it paved the way for a settlement with the Pazhassi Raja. The Raja had a personal pique against his uncle, Veera Varma, and this later on led to a confrontation with the British.[736]Veera Varma made the Company’s rule unpopular by collecting exorbitant taxes, and that was perhaps the reason that made many people in Kurumbranad and Kottayam desert him and join the Pazhassi Raja.

Duncan carefully studied all the problems in north Malabar, and came to the conclusion that Veera Varma should not be allowed to collect the revenue in Kottayam. [737] Varma was asked to sign an agreement, and he declared that he would “relinquish the negudi (revenue) and country to the Honourable Company and let the Honourable Company carry on the management of it.” [738] After the removal of Veera Varma, Kottayam was placed under the jurisdiction of the Northern Superintendent.

Now that Veera Varma had been removed, Duncan and Stuart (Commander-in-Chief), made a joint declaration in which they stated that they “ require all persons toconform to and to yield due and full obedience to the arrangement that in view to the good of the district of Cotiote had thus taken place, as well as that all bodies on men now in arms in the the Cotiotedistrict, on the part of the Cotiote Raja, to disperse and return peaceably to their homes within two days from this date on pain of being dealt with as irreclaimable rebels to the English Government wherever they shall be met with assembled and in arms.”[739] Duncan and Stuart assured the people of Kottayam that they would not be subjected to oppressive taxation as in the days of Veera Varma, but at the same time they wanted to collect taxes that were due to the Compny without any opposition.[740]

The major obstacle was removed when Veera Varma was stripped of all his authority in Kottayam. Duncan was also very keen on a settlement with the Pazhassi Raja, and the removal of Veera Varma was done to win his friendship. Native Rajas were employed to bring the Raja to the conference table. [741] The Chirakkal Raja acted as mediator and the Pazhassi Raja was assured of complete safe conduct. [742] But Pazhassi was rather reluctant to meet the Committee at Tellicherry. Dow was, therefore, given complete authority to deal with him. The people of Kottayam were given the assurance that Dow would not “distress any of the ihabitants, who shall come in, and demean themselves as dutiful subjects, for any immediate payment of negudi or revenue beyond their fair ability: the intention of Government being, that the district should prosper and the inhabitants live happily and in comfort, in preference to every other consideration.”[743]

Since the Pazhassi Raja had not yet come to terms with the Company, Colonels Dow and Dunlop managed to occupy Tadikulam, the headquarters of the Raja.[744] They also destroyed the house of Kannavath Nambiar, a strong supporter of Kerala Varma (Pazhassi Raja). There were some casualties for the English in the encounter, with the loss of Brigade – Major Captain Batchelor killed and one or two Europeans and sepoys wounded. But the British claimed success in these exploits.

In the meantime the Chirakkal Raja, the Parappanad Raja and a Konkani merchant named Devas Bhandari carried on negotiations with the Pazhassi Raja, and he finally agreed to sign a settlement with the British.[745] The terms of the agreement, however, were not very favourable to the Pazhassi Raja. The revenue management of the Kottayam district was given to the Senior Raja of the Kottayam family and not to the Pazhassi Raja. The Senior Raja who was till then a refugee in Travancore was brought back and the revenue management of Kottayam was given to him. He agreed to “pay annually 65,000 rupees to the Company for the years 973 and 974 on account of revenue of the districts of Cotiote and Cootiyady for which my successor entered into a five years’ lease, and will observe the rules laid down in the Kararnama (a written agreement).” [746] As regards the Pazhassi Raja he was pardoned for all his misdeeds. He was also granted a pension of Rs. 8,00, per annum.[747] When his palace was pillaged in 1796, a treasure to the amount of Rs. 17,000 and other valuables were taken away by the British. The Government ordered them to be restored to him.

Duncan was rather perturbed over the conduct of the English officials, and he wrote: “I have proceeded in this painful and melancholy duty in the idea tht the troops have unfortunately occasioned considerable loss and serious provocation to the Pyche( Raja) by the plunder of his mansion… Every means has therefore been taken to redress his grievance by the full and complete return of his property.”[748]

The Pazhassi Raja, however, aquiesed in the settlement made for Kottayam with the senior Raja. But the senior Raja was weak and incompetent, and did not have suffiecient strength to manage the affairs of Kottayam. As he was away in Travancore during the Mysorean occupation, he could not command the respect of the people. And besides, he was steadily falling into arrears with his collections. The British were convinced of the fact that he could not keep things in order and, therefore, he was pensioned and allowed to retire Travancore. Kottayam was then placed under the direct management of the Company.

The Second Rebellion

Even though the Pazhassi Raja appeared to be friendly outwardly, there were reports that he was inciting the people to revolt against the British. The Raja’s men entered “Patanoor, Meatady and Cowoor,” and, after passing through Hobili, they moved into Thekkankarai.[749] They also threatened the British stronghold of Manatana.[750]

Another cause of dispute cropped up when the Pazhassi Raja claimed Wayanad as his own and resisted all the attempts of the British to bring it under their control.

When Malabar was ceded to the British by Tipu in 1792, Wayanad also came under them. But a detailed study of the treaty revealed that Tipu had not ceded Wayanad, and the British were not in a position to take a definite course of action. John Shore was aware of the disputed status of Wayanad andhe promised to depute Captain Doveton to find out the real position and “endeavour… to bring the whole to an amicable discussion and adjustment.” [751] Shore did not get a detailed report and, therefore, he informed the Bombay Government that “it is also perhaps preferable as Tippu has yet made no claim to the two districts of Wynaad and Coorumbula in our possession, the right to them should not be brought into discussion.” [752] The acting Supervisor of Malabar, Augustus Handley, got secret reports about a possible attack by Tipu to secure Wayanad. But Shore was totally against any conflict with Tipu, and he wrote “there never was a period in which a war with Tippoo could be more embarrassing.”[753] But the Pazhassi raised the standard of revolt by claiming Wayanad as his own.

Pazhassi raised a large body of Nayars, Mappilas and disbanded soldiers of Tipu, and with their help he created disturbances in Wayanad. The Supreme Government issued orders that Pazhassi must be punished for his insolence. The military control of the province was transferred to the Madras Government, and in 1800 Arthur Wellesley was appointed Commander. He wanted a strong army in Malabar and wrote to Lieutenant Colonel Bowles, the Officer Commanding in Malabar: “From the experience which the officers of the Bombay establishment have of the species of warfare of this man (the Pazhassi Raja) and of the Nairs in general, you will doubtless be of opinion that as large a detachment should be formed in Malabar as can be spared.”

Wellesley drew up the plan of operation, and gave orders for strengthening the military posts in Kottayam. The Earl of Mornington, the Governor General, also felt that the British possessions on the coast of Malabar would not be safe so long as the tribe of the plunderers had not been severely punished, and the Pyche Raja (Pazhassi Raja) reduced to unconditional submission.[754] Wellesley planned to bring a detachment from Seringapatam, [755] and asked Colonel Sartorius to move from Cannanore, so that the two detachments could make a combined attack.[756] He also informed the Commissioners that he had stationed soldiers at Koothuparamba, and deployed a detachment of the King’s Regiment and a battalion of native infantry at strategic places.[757] The Commissioners also felt that an unsuccessful attack on the Raja’s forces would encourage others to rise against the government.[758]

British Plan of Operations

Wellesley returned to Seringapatam before the onset of the rain in Malabar.  Pazhassi took advantage of Wellesley’s absence and descended on the plains in July 1800. He joined the company of all the rebel leaders, notably the Mappila bandit Unni Moosa Moopan[759] and four of the Iruvazhinad Nambiars.[760] They attacked and destroyed a portion of Anjarakandi spice plantation owned by a Briton, Murdock Brown. They organized themselves into separate bands and attacked the small British outposts at Kodolli and Manatana. Since sufficient troops were not available, the British withdrew to the military posts and coastal towns.[761]

Wellesley was engaged in the north with his campaigns against another rebel, Dhondia Wahan. But he wrote to the Commissioners to stop all communications with Wyanad and cut off all supplies to the Raja. They were advised not to abandon Manatana and warned them not to retire from the posts and bring discredit to the British. The rebel leaders Edatara Kunjan, Kannavath Nambiar and Changoteri Chattu came with a powerful force near the Manatana temple and persuaded the Pazhassi Raja to attack the British port of Manatana. They also sent through messengers palm leaf letters to leading citizens of the area. But the British captured several of these messengers and killed them.[762]

In one of the intercepted letters addressed to Kulliaden Kutti Ambu of Kodolli, the Raja wrote: “… I will oppose the power of the English however great it may be; I shall do my best in opposition.”[763]

A Bombay detachment led by Major Holmes arrived at Manatana on August 3, 1800, and, after chasing the rebels, supplied the military post with stores and provisions.[764]But the Raja’s son attacked the troops while they were returning to Kuttuparamba cantonment and killed seventy six men.[765] And again, on September 27, 1800 when Major Holmes advanced from Kanjot, the rebels attacked them and killed or wounded 100 men.[766]

The Kottayam Collector, James Wilson, issued a proclamation preventing the people from supplying “rice, provisions and other articles of consumption” to the rebels.[767] He also warned the people that if they were detected in assisting the rebels they would incur “the heaviest displeasure of Government even to be considered as rebels and traitors and liable as such to suffer punishment.” [768] The collector wanted to starve the rebels who are hiding in the jungles, and he ordered that “ the bazaars of Cotiangady, Bengat or any other shall not be supplied with any articles of provision, salt, oil, tobacco ,or of any other nature of description without a written permit bearing the signature of the Collector of the district or of Commanding Officer at Cottaparamba or any other of the  Military stations in it …”[769]  To counter this, Pazhassi sent palm-leaf letters and messages to prominent citizens, and many people went over to his side, especially, Emen Nayar.[770]

Even though Wellesley had no time to come to Malabar, he drew up the plan of campaign. He also came into contact with one traitor named Emen Nayar, who gave him a topgraphical description of Malabar.[771] He advised him to send the British army to Wayanad by way of Coorg or Kankanikottai.[772]

Wellesley dispatched 2 cavalry regiments to Malabar by way of the Palghat Gap to frighten the turbulent Mappilas in the south. According to the direction of Wellesley, Colonel Stevenson entered Wayanad from Mysore in January 1801, with a regiment of horse, 2 infantry regiments, 4 battalions of sepoys and 600 prisoners. He was also instructed to construct a line of posts from Edattara to Sultan’s Battery on the Mysore frontier and also at the head of the Tamarasseri pass. This would enable him to opoen communication with Calicut. Stevenson was advised to cut off Pazhassi from his followers in South Malabar, notably the Mappila rebel Attun Kurikkal. After getting control of this line by establishing posts, he was instructed to push forward to Pazhassi’s palace “in as many divisions as he might think proper.” Colonel Sartorius in the maeantime ercted military posts at Perown and Peruvayal in an effort to open communication with Kanjote. [773]Troops were also stationed at Ernad, Valatara and Cheranad to prevent Mappilas from supporting the Raja.[774]

On January 3, 1801 Colonel Bowles made an unsuccessful raid at Thamarasseri, a stronghold of the rebels, which was controlled by Chumar Pokken.[775] The rebels made periodic guerilla attacks and captured the stores of the British and ambushed moving columns.[776] It was in central Malabar that the rebels gave much trouble to Colonel Sartorius, but Stevenson successfully carried on the operations and strengthened the military posts. The original plan was that Sartorius should assemble his forces at Cannanore in North Malabar. But he moved from Calicut in central Malabar, and this led to many complications. When he was surrounded by enemies he appealed for reinforcements. Stevenson could not send his own soldiers, and he sent an rgent message to Dindigal, in the neighbouring Madras State, where Lieutenant Colonel Innes was fighting with some rebels of that area. He asked Innes to rush troops to Malabar, and wrote: “Your services will at present be of much consequence that I do not hesitate to request you will march immediately on this service…”[777]

Innes himself came to Malabar with a large force on February 1801, although there were troubles in Dindigal.[778] The British authorities also attached great significance to the events in Malabar, and the Madras Government wrote to Stevenson: “The aspect of affairs in Tinnevelly and Dindigal renders the Governor in Council however extremely anxious that the detachment under the command of Lieutenant Colonel Innes should be permitted to return at an early period of time as may be consistent with the success of your operations. This expectation which has been excited by the armament under your command, the great importance of the subject of its equipment, and the successful progress which has already been made render it expedient, that the war against the Pyche ( Pazhassi) Raja should be a principal object of our attention…”[779]

Stevenson’s Manoeuvres

The main army commanded by Stevenson marched from Manathavadi and, after putting down the resistance of the rebels, captured Madakarai by a sudden attack. Stevenson brought under British control Valead, Periakulam, and moved towards Peria pass, a stronghold of Pazhassi. He won a signal victory on January 29, by capturing Peria pass. He caught hold of a brass gun and dolphins, made in Tipu’s armoury.[780] The pioneers in the army were employed to repair and widen the roads, and by constructing a chain of posts. Stevenson succeeded in opening communication between Tellicherry and Seringapatam.

Stevenson’s plan was to bring under the control of the British troops all the military posts that were situated above and below the ghats and to disarm the whole province. The Collector of Vellatiri, J. W. Wye, ordered every citizen “to deliver up his arms, such as muskets and swords on or before the 30^th of the present month of Medom (April) to the Sircar (Government), and on so doing they will be paid by the Collector of the district a fair valuation for them…[781] He also gave a warning that if they did not surrender their arms “their houses (will be) searched, all arms seized and forfeited to the Sircar.”[782]

But the expedition from the west under Major Baird to capture Irikkur was twice beaten back by Chathappan Nambiar with the help of a large force of Chirakkal and Kottayam Nayars.[783] After establishing a post at Kallaloorkari, the British again tried to storm Irikkur, but the rebels offered a stiff resistance and Sartorius was forced to retreat.[784]

Flushed with this success, Pazhassi attempted to block the movement of the British troops from the east. A powerful body of armed Nambiars assembled under him on the morthern bank of the Balliapatnam River. Stevenson moved out of Peria pass to attack them, but tactfully withdrew to Periakulam and from there to a safe position at Lakkidikotta.[785] The fact that Pazhassi could not weaken the main army of the British was an indication of his declining strength.

Pazhassi’s forces began to disperse gradually, and the remnants fled to the jungles. Stevenson went hot on the trail of Pazhassi, and on May 16, 1801, they found at Ayankana a bundle of his clothes. In some places Stevenson’s forces found the rebels fleeing for their lives, leaving rice boiling in the pots or unfinished lunch. They also, caught hold of arms, clothes and rice. On May 17, 1801 they picked up at Ayankana a large number of cartridges, ammunition, bags of rice and salt. It appears that the secret messages sent by Emen Nayar enabled Pazhassi   to escape in the nick of time. Emen Nayar was actually accompanying Sevenson during these ooperations, and in many places the British found rice boiling in pots and food ready to be served. Stevenson’s party returned to their base at Manatana after making a futile search over a six mile area.[786] He, however, captured every stronghold of the rebels, including Irrikur.

Stevenson issued a proclamation on April 20, 1801, condemning the people for maintaining “a secret correspondence with the Rebel Rajah.” [787] He warned the inhabitants that he would banish them “from this country and friends forever.” [788] He characterized the rebellion as “wanton and atrocious,” and offered a reward of Rs. 10,000 “to any person or persons who shall seize and deliver the said rebel.”[789]

On May 4, 1801 Stevenson got secret information that the Pazhassi Raja and his adherents were seen near the passes of Elin and Kuttiyadi. Colonel Dessi was rushed to the spot, but the rebels managed to escape by climbing a steep rock.[790]

Troops were sent to the jungles of Kottayam and Kadathanad to ferret out the rebels. They became desperate and fled into the jungles of Kurumbranad.[791] Pazhassi’s adherents were gradally hunted down, and on July 26, 1801 Chathappan Nambiar and Choyanb Chandu were executed. Peruvayal Nambiar and two of his followers were killed at Kanjot.[792] On November 21, Kalla Chama, Kannamcheri Nambiar, Puttian Kunjappan and Rehman were publicly hanged in the bazaar of Wayand.[793]

A detachment under Colonel Edwards captured Kannavath Sankaran Nambiar, a fierce rebel, and his twenty four year old son. Captain Taylor took them from Kuttiyadi to Kannavom, “to be hanged on the hill of Cannute (Kannavam), which is near their late residence and the scene of their rebellious opposition to the Company’s authority.” [794] The capture of Kannavath Nambiar was a great blow to Pazhassi and fear gripped his followers. Another follower of Pazhassi, Changettero Chattu was hanged at Kuttiyadi.[795]

The Madras Government, in their dispatch to the Court of Directors, paid glowing tribute to the ability, patience and gallantry of Stevenson in putting down the rebellion.[796] By May 1802, all places of strategic importance were in the hands of Stevenson, and Pazhassi became a homeless fugitive.

Malabar Insurrection

The violent reprisals and the execution of ring leaders produced tranquility in the province. The rebellion would probably have fizzled out, had not Major Macleod taken charge as Principal Collector on October 1, 1801.  In 1802 he earned the contempt of the people by attemting to disarm the district. In a proclamation he declared: “It is now ordered that all arms of whatever description in the possession of all persons residing in Malabar shall be given up at the Cutcherrie (government offices) of each Sub- Collector or that of each Tusseldor (Revenue Officer) before the end of the month of Kumbhom (Malayalam month between the middle of February and March).[797] Orders were issued “to apprehend and put to death” persons who were not holding a license to carry arms.[798] To make the disarmament effective, he declared: “The manufacture of arms is prohibited and if any strictly (sic) is detected in making or repairing arms in opposition to orders is to be confined and tried for his life.”[799]

But Macleod followed this up by other strident measures which added fuel to fire and finally burst into a violent explosion. On August 31, 1802, he issued a proclamation fixing the exchange rates of the “twenty three current coins now issued and received in the Public Treasury.” [800] The new rates promulgated byh Macleod “raised the revenue on every individual throughout the country 20 percent in gold fanams (coins) and 10 per cent in silver, while for their commodities in the market they could only get the old rates of 3 ½ to 4 7/32 per rupee and silver fanams from 5 to 5 ½ per rupee, and this caused much discontent among the people. Another mistake committed by Macleod was the sudden enhancement of the assessement on land by twenty per cent, and these unwise measures affected routine transactions and the prevalent discontent of the people turned into organized resistance to the excessive demands of the Government.[801]Another mistake committed by Macleod was the fixation of the Government share of the produce of the rice fields at 35 to 40 per cent of the gross produce.[802] Some of the lands in Malabar were not at all high yielding, and this heavy taxation created popular discontent. Rickards who succeeded him as Collector did not approve of the policy of Macleod, and observed: “… but if the principles be indiscriminately applied to seed lands in Malabar, I am confident that agriculture would no longer be worth pursuing.[803]

Macleod was also thoroughly ignorant of the yield from the coconut and arecanut trees of Malabar. The Special Commissioner, Graene, surveyed the land and estimated 24 21/32 nuts from a coconut tree and 150 43/ 64 nuts from an arecanut tree. But Macleod followed a policy of exploitation and estimated 48 nuts from a coconut tree and 200 nuts frm an arecanut tree.[804] He gave orders to the Parbuttykkar (village officer) to make a fresh revenue survey of Malabar within a short period of forty days.[805] The survey men were given meagre wages, and therefore they practiced courrupt methods to make money for themselves. They fabricated the accounts, overassesed the actual produce and sometimes made false assessments. Besides, the ryots who paid their assessments in fanams were asked to pay more according to the new rates of exchange. Because of these repressive measures of Macleod, the people of Malabar rose in rebellion.

When the disaffection became widespread, Pazhassi’s men enlisted the support of peasants and illiterate hill tribes in their struggle against the British. The first sign of rebellion was the capture of the Panamaram fort in Wayanad in October 1802. It is said that Edachenna Kungan, a proscribed rebel, was present when a revenue collector came up and demanded some paddy from a Kurichiyan ( a hill tribe). Edachenna Kungan killed the revenue collector on the spot, and the Kurichiyars of the locality, under the leadership of their Chief, Talakkal Chandu, became the followers of Edachenna Kungan. Edachenna Kungan, his tow brothers, and about 150 Kurichiyars attacked the British post at Panamaram which was “held by a detachment of 70 men of the 1^st battalion of th 4^th Bombay Infantry under Captain Dickenson and Lieutenant Maxwell.”[806] According to a report of two spies sent by the British to ascertain the facts, the rebels “first seized the sentry’s musket and killed him with arrows. Captain Dickinson killed and wounded with his pistols, bayonet and sword, 15 of the Kurichiyars, 5 of whom are dead and 10 wounded.” They massacred the entire detachment, and carried away 112 muskets, 6 boxes of ammunition and Rs. 6,000.[807]

A Kurichiya fighter

When Dickenson was attacked, Major Drummond andabout 360 men were at Poolinjal, a few miles to the west of Panamaram. But he made no effort to rescue the people trapped at Panamaram. When Wellesley came to know about the Panamaram disaster, he scornfully wrote of Drummond: “Anofficer within nine miles of him suffers himself to be surprised, and with his whole detachment is cut off, and the Major … instead of putting the battalion under his command into camp, and moving quicly upon the rebels’ sits quietly in his cantonment and takes no step to oppose or stop the insurrection.” [808]

The victory at Panamaram emboldened the rebels to raid into Cannanore, Makkeri, Anjarkandi, Kodoli amd Tellicherry.[809] Edachenna Kungan collected about 3,000 men near Pulpalli Pagoda and instigated them for an armed rebellion.[810]Some of the rebels were armed with matchocks and muskets, and the rest with bows, arrows and primitive weapons. They blocked the passes by cutting down trees, and Edachenna Kunga’s brothers with 100 men guarded the Periah pass. Their attempt to attack Calicut, however, was thwarted by the timely arrival of Lieutenant Colonel Montreson and Major Howden.[811] They moved into Randattara and devastated the pepper gardens of some English settlers.[812] They also attacked some cutcheries at Tamarasseri. [813] In May 1803 they were seen in large numbers at Pyormalla and in June they moved into Kuttuparamba.[814]

In April, Edachenna Kungan attacked the Pazhassi post but was discomforted with heavy loss.” The rebels infested Chirakkkal in June 1803, and they were bold enough to burn a house within two miles of the British cantonment at Kuthuparamba. As the insurrection progressed, troops were rushed to Wyanad. In September 1805 Lieutenant Kennedy proceeded in Anjarakandy, and the rebels  attacked his development form the woods. In a brisk skirmish with the rebels, 5 were killed; but Kennedy was wounded and disabled.[815]

In February 1804 Lieutenant Gray proceeded to Kalliad to weed out the rebels from Chirakkal and kottayam, and Colonel Montreson was sent to the Kalliad Hills to act in concert with Grey. But Kalliad Nambiar and Parappan deluded the British and escaped.[816] In another encounter on April 5, the British killed a rebel leader Manyatta Nandan.[817]

Conciliatory Measures of Rickards

Macleod’s enhancement of the land assessments and the revision of the table of exchange set the whole province in ferment, and the Raja seized the opportunity to make a common cause with the people.[818] The British authorities now realized that only by changing the revenue policy that the people of Malabar could be pacified. Macleod realized that he was solely responsible for all the troubles in Malabar, and he resigned his office on March 11, 1803.[819] His successor Robert Rickards was a determined and experienced administrator, and he displayed a spirit of patience and conciliation. His first task was to change the revenue policy of Macleod, and he gave timely consessions to the people with a view to arriving at a fair settlement of the revenue. In a proclamation published by him he made it clear that his idea was to collect the revenues in each district “on the Pymashee (survey of lands for the purposes of assessment) in force in the Malabar year 976 (1000 – 1) and also to receive in payment thereof at current coins at the rates they were valued at previous to the 31^st August last..” [820]

To pacify the inhabitants of Randattara, the government appointed Murdoch Brown, a British planter of the Anjarakandi spice estate, to conduct a fresh and moderate revenue settlement of that district. Rickards revised the rates and gave orders to each sub- Collector to receive all representations over assessment and “immediately proceeded to spot to investigate in person” all such cases.[821] If the parties were dissatisfied with the decision of the sub-Collector, they could “appeal each contested case to the further decision of the Principal Collector at Calicut.”[822]

Rickards also revised Macleod’s assessment, and fixed new rates: one-third of the gross produce at the following commutation rates.

Coconuts, 30 Reas or about 36 nuts per tree to be taken as one third gross produce and commuted at 240 Reas per 1,ooo nuts.

Jacks’ one third gross produces.

And on Rice lands six tenths of the pattam, except in Kottayam where the custom was to take five tenths only.

To these rates 5 per cent extra to be levied for costs of collections.[823]

Another step taken by Rickards was to make individual and collective consessions in the matter of a fair settlement of revenue. Like the borough- mongers of England, the wealthy landholders of Malabar had great influence over the local people. He skilfully tackled eight Rajas including the Zamorin, about forty four Nambudiris (Brahmins) and about 65 wealthy landowners, and they expressed their willingness to accept the new re-assessment of the district.[824]

These conciliatory measures greatly helped the authorities to stem the tide of disaffection that prevailed in South Malabar in consequence of Macleod’s ill-advised revenue policy. But in the absence of newspapers and other powerful media of publicity, it was not easy to inform the people of the province abut the changes introduced by Rickards. Therefore, there were still sporadic disturbances.  Pazhassi also knew that if people were won over by the British, it wold be impossible for him to intensify the agitation. Therefore, to create confusion in the minds of the people, his men made repeated attacks. They had even ventured to attack places in the immediate vicinity of the European settlements on the coast.[825]

These repeated attacks and outrages created a sense of anxiety in the minds of the British officers, and Colnel Montressor, the officer in command, requested the Madras Government to send 5, ooo more soldiers. But the authorities felt that the force in Malabar was quite sufficient, for it consisted of “8147 men including 3 European regiments in May 1803, and 5,819 men, including 2 European regiments in October 1804.”[826] The Madras Government, therefore, refused to comply with the request of Montressor.

After Rickards had taken charge there was, apart from radical changes in revenue policy, there was a move to replace the Bombay troops. The Bombay troops were not familiar with the topography, and they had proved themselves to be inefficient in many encounters. [827] Wellesley also wrote that their removal was absolutely necessary, both to preserve the peace in Malabar, and to secure the existence of the Bombay army as a respectable body. Therefore, the Bombay troops were replaced by “a competent body of Madras troops.[828]

The Madras force consisted of:-“ A detachment of artillery, First battalion 7 th Regiment, Second battalion 6^th Regiment, First battalion 6^th Regiment, First battalion 13^th Regiment, First battalion 14^th Regiment, First battalion Pioneers, besides His Majesty’s 30^th Foot, and Second battalion 1^st Regiment.”[829]

New Strategy

The earlier reverses suffered by the British, compelled them to change the mode of operation. Instead of deploying regular army in thick jungles, Captain Watson raised a force of Kolkars or native police who could go deep into the jungles.[830]Watson had 1,200 men, and these men were employed to deal with small groups of the Pazhassi Raja’s men who made sudden raids and caused much damage to property. Regular troops attached to their transport wagon proved themselves incompetent to deal with small bands of Pazhassi’s men in the jungles trained in   guerilla warfare. But the Kolkars, equally mobile and with an equal knowledge of the people, the language and the topography of the country, hunted down the rebels even in dense jungles.

A dynamic change in the military strategy brought about far reaching results. All these years the British administrators and military officers pursued policies which boomeranged on them. Urgent steps were taken to overhaul the whole administrative set up in Malabar.  Thomas Warden took charge as Principal Collector, and he was fortunate in having Thomas Harvey Baber, “an energetic, genial yet inflexible mind,” as the sub-Collector of North Malabar. He was successful in putting down the rising of Kalliyad Nambiyar and another uprising by the Raja’s adherents in the Chirakkal region. He fully utilized the services of the Kolkars in driving out the rebels from the jungles. He also discovered that the Mappilas of Irukur, Kallayi and venkat were supplying Kerala Varma’s ( Pazhassi Raja) men with ammunition in exchange of pepper.[831] Baber, therefore, followed a new policy by which the people of the locality were held responsible for assisting the rebels and they were asked to give prompt information about their movements.[832] He himself visited many places and warned the people about the dreadful consequences if they supported the Pazhassi Raja. He wrote: “ I made frequent marches by day and night to the most unfrequented parts of the country, and by degrees obtained such a knowledge of the inhabitants that, fearful lest their entire shallow artifices would sooner or later be known, they began evidently to alter their conduct and on some instances they came forward with information.[833] He also took urgent steps to disarm the people in suspected areas. The effects of Baber’s measures were profound. I many places the Pazhassi Raja’s men were alienated, and in some places people themselves killed the rebels who had laid waste their property. There were also instances when the local residents gave information about the movementsof the Pazhassi’s adherents. When Lieutenant Cox went to remove the body of a chief rebel who had been killed by the Kolkars, he was helped by the local people. He says: “The joy of the Mappilas in this neighbourhood was so excessive tht upwards of a Hundred of them followed me to the Fort rejoicing at the death of one who was a Terror to the District in which he resided.”[834]

In Chirakkal area alone Baber was able to collect 2,715 muskets, 943 knives and 1,862 swords. After this successful operation at Chirakkal, Baber moved to Kottayam. He realized that it was only by cutting off the supplies sent to Kerala Varma’s party by the local people that he could weaken them. He, therefore, ordered “that no supplies whatever be carried out of those bazaars by any other than the public roads on pain of being apprehended and punished as rebels. In the bazaars of Tellicherry and Cannanore there are guards placed, who are directed to examine all roads, and to carry all persons who cannot give satisfactory account of themselves before the Cutwall for examination.”[835] Baber’s policy of enlisting the support of the local people for maintaining law and order and the brilliant work done by the Kolkars, soon cleared the low country of rebels, and drove them back into Wayanad.

In Wayanad also a portion of the recently arrived Madras troops – “His Majesty’s 80^th Fleet, 2^nd battalion Ist Regiment, Wst battalion 13^th Regiment, flank companies of Ist battalion 14^th Regiment and a party of Pioneers,”[836] pushed the raja’s men with sch force that they sought asylum in jungles. When the troops marched into the interior regions, they did not face any resistance. Even the former strongholds of Pazhassi   like the Kottyur Pass and Panamaram easily came under the British, and they boldly constructed fortified military posts at “Vellaud, Koiladdy, Kunjoty, Kottiyum Pass and Panamaram.”

Another proclamation was published by the Officer Commanding on May 24, 1805 preventing the people from harbouring the rebels in Wayanad or assisting them with supplies. He also gave a warning that “whatsoever person excepting by the permission of Government, is found in arms from this date will be tried by a mIlitary Court and immediately punished.”[837] After securing Wayanad from the Raja, Warden left for Calicut, leaving 2,152 men under the command of lieutenant Colonel Innes. These men were distributed among eleven posts. “ At Panamaram, Koiladdy and Kamyote 2^nd battalion 1^st Regiment 1000 men; at Vellaud, Attwaye, Connincherry, Darraloor 1t battalion, 13^th regiment, 844 men; at Mattelette, Pullingal, Manantoddy, Lackery 308 men, and also a havildar’s guard (to be relieved every third day from Manatody) at Sungaloo on the Mysore frontier.”[838]

In another proclamation issued on June 16, 1805, the British authorities explained to the people of Wayanad the necessity of maintaining peace in the province and condemned the rebels as men with “ a vicious disposition to keep the district in a constant state of trouble” and were “ still in the jungle watching to commit enormities whenever an opportunity offers…”[839] In the same proclamation rewards were offered for the apprehension of the Pazhassi Raja, and 11 of his followers, including his two nephews.

The rewards offered were:

                                                                                          Pagodas

1.      Kerala Varma the Pychi Rajah                           3,000

2.      Veer Varma Rajah                                               1,000

3.      Ravee Varma Rajah                                             1,000

4.      Palloor Ameen                                                      1,000

5.      Palloor Rayappan                                                    300

6.      Edachenna Coongan                                            1000

7.      Edachenna Odenan                                                300

8.      Edachenna Komappan                                           300

9.      Edachenna Amu                                                      300

10.  Karverryallay Cannan                                             300

11.  Yogymoolla Machen                                              300

12.  Itty Combetta Kellappan Nambyar                     833 (sic) [840]

In the above list, Veera Varma Raja and Ravi Varma Raja were aged about 21 and 22 years respectively and nephews of Pazhassi . Palloor Ameen was Emen Nayar, and his treacherous conduct has already been discussed. The fifth man in the list, Palloor Rayappan was the elder brother of Emen Nayar. Edachenna Koongan (Kunjan) was a man of great ability and courage. Some of his daring exploits, especially the attack at Panamarakkotta, gave a tremendous boost to the sagging morals of the Pazhassi Raja. Edachenna Odhenan and Edachenna Komappan were Koongan’s brothers, and Edachenna Amu was his nephew. Karverryallay Cannan was one of the chief adherents of the Raja.Yogymoolla Machen was as daring as Edachenna Koongan and he played a dominant role in the Panamarkkotta attack. Itty Combetta Kellappan Nambyar was once a Parbattikar (tax collector), and later joined Pazhassi. He had many archers under his control.[841]

When the Pazhassi Raja’s men came to know that Collector Warden had left Wayanad, they made preparations for another attack. They had also succeeded in enlisting the support of the fierce Kurmbars. According to the records they attacked a post called “Churijunjee.” Even though they were repulsed, the English suffered a considerable loss – a Subbadar and 7 sepoys killed, 17 sepoys wounded.[842]

But a detachment of the Madras Army which was deployed in Wayanad encircled the Raja’s followers and they were on the run everywhere. The Kolkars who were accustomed to the terrain ferreted out the rebels from jungle to junge. Their devotion to duty can be seen from a letter written by one Kunhy Amen to Wilson, the Assistant Collector of Kottayam:” About  twelve o’clock at night of the 20^th inst. Menom ( 31^st March) a team under me at Cudally, put to death ( shot dead) the (noted) Rebel Maniat Tandean. On this report the Officer at Canjrote and I went to the place and brought the body which is now hung on the Boundaries of Cudally and Cherical. I promised this person that he should receive Rs. 500 if he should succeed as he has done. On his arrival I immediately gave him a gold Bangle, and again promised he should receive the reward.”[843] Another powerful rebel was killed by a Kolkar while he was sleeping and Lieutenant Cox went at the head of 80 men to bring his body.[844] Cox recommended that the Kolkar should be given a reward of Rs. 500 for killing him.[845] It is quite evident from these incidents that the Kolkars were on the move in every part of Wyanad.

In a surprise attack on September 6, 1804, the Kolkars almost succeeded in locating the hideout of the Pazhassi Raja, but he narrowly escaped from falling into their hands. Two of the Raja’s attendants were taken. They also captured 13 good muskets, 4 swords and a large heap of clothes, besides about 500 pagodas worth of gold and silver valuables.

It was due to the ingenuity of Watson who orgnanized the Kolkars that the fortune of war suddenly turned in favour of the English. But the Kolkars had to face many difficulties and hardships. There were about 1,300 Kolkars in Wayanad in September. But the sub- Collector Pearson reported on October 18, 1804 that only 170 Kolkars reported for duty. Within a month there was such a steep fall in their attendance, and this was due to, according to British officers, “terrible weather” and “want of cover”. The dwindling of the numbers of Kolkars encouraged Pazhassi and Edachenna Kunjan to make another attack. They were backed by a large number of Kurichiyars and Kurumbars. Most of these illiterate and ignorant hill tribes were made to believe that the British would annihilate their races and therefore, they had, out of fear, deserted their huts, and were living in jungles. The British at once moved in their troops and Kolkars all over the strategic areas, nd every supply route was blocked. There were two encounters with Pazhassi, and the British, despite a few casualties won a signal victory in the capture of an implacable rebel, Talakal Chandu, who played a leading role in the attack of the Panamaram fort on October 11, 1802. The capture of Talakal Chandu was a great blow to Pazhassi, and he fled to the jungles.

Baber at once rushed to Panamarattakkkotta, but Pazhassi had escaped to Pulpalli. He got from Colonel Hill a detachment of 200 men, and taking with him Colonel Hill, 3 officers and 200 of the police proceeded to Pulpalli. The Kolkars were sent deep into the forests, and they succeededin killing mny rebels who were lurking in their hideouts. Baber devised a cunning plan by which the Paniars (a jungle tribe) were employed, by “exhortations and occasional presents,” to give information about the whereabouts of Pazhassi.

On November 30, 1805 three persons brought him intelligence of the Raja and  other rebel leaders. Baber took with him 50 sepoys, and officer and a force of about 100 Kolkars and marched to the Kangara River, near the Mysore border. They passed through very high grass and thick teak forests for about a mile and a half, and finally spotted the place where Pazhassi and his men were hiding.[846] In his letter to the Principal Collector Baber wrote: “The contest was but of short duration. Several of the rebels had fallen, whom the Kolkars were dispatching, and a running fight was kept up after the rest till we could see no more of them. Just at this time, a firing was heard to the right; was accordingly returned ,when we saw the sepoys and Kolkars enganged with fresh body of rebels, who proved to be Coongan’s (kungan’s ) party, but who fled after a few shots had been fired at them,and, though pursued, were seen nothing more of. From one of the rebels of the first party to the left, whom I discovered concealed in the grass, I learn that the Pyche ( Pazhassi) Rajah was amongst those whom we first observed on the banks of the nulla, and it was only on my return from the pursuit that I learnt that the Rajah was amongst the first who had fallen. It fell to the lot of one of my cutcherry servants Canara Menon, to arrest the flight of the Rajah, which he did at the hazard of his life ( the Rajah having put his musket to his breast), and it is worthy to mention that this extraordinary personage, though in the moment of death, called out in the most dignified and commanding manner to the Menon, ‘not to approach and defile his person,’ Aralat Cooty Nambiar, the only one remaining of these rebels proscribed by Colonel Stevenson, and a most faithful adherent of the Rajah, made a most desperate resistance, but at last fell overpowered by the superior skill of one of the Parbutties ( Pravritti) in Wynad…” [847]

Baber’s troops and Kolkars hunted down the other rebels. Edattara Kunjan was sick when he was surrounded by troops and finding no way to escpe, committed suicide.[848]Emen Nayar was captured and exiled to the Prince of Wales’ Island in 1806. His brother Rayappan made a fierce resistance and gave a mortal wound to one of the captors; but he was overpowered and killed.  Pazhassi’s two nephews, Ravi Varma Raja and Veera Varma Raja, were offered a pardon, and it was notified that if they submittedto the Government, “they shall be re-admitted to its protection.”[849] But the Raja of Padinjare Kovilagam (Western palace) of the Zamorin’s family who gave them asylum during the perod of the Pazhassi Raja’s rebellion was made a prisoner and sent to Dindigul jail where he died on March 3, 1806.

Even though Baber claimed the entire credit for killing the Pazhassi Raja, it appears from a perusal of the records, that Captain Clapham killed the Raja in the first attack itself. Among the manuscripts in the Madras Record Office there is” a Memorandum upon the claim set up, to share the reward for taking the Pyche Rajah,” and it contains the names of several persons who wanted to have a share of the reward. In one paragraph it is stated: “ Lieutenant Colonel Hill, when forwarding Captain Clapham’s letter above noticed, hints at his own right to share in the reward, together with a large body of troops which he carried into the part of the district where it was generally known that the Rajah and other prescribed Rebels were concealed, with the express purpose of hunting for the rebels and which had indiscriminately shared all the fatigues of secring the country, tho’ Captain Clapham’s party had on that occasion been successful.[850] It is quite evident form this letter that the Raja was killed by Clapham.

This is also confirmed in Wilson’s authoritative work, The History of the Madras Army, wherein he states: “Active operations were recommended atteh end of the rains, and the disturbances in Wynaad and Cotiote were at last terminated by the death of the Pychy Rajah, who was surprised and killed on the 30^th November 1805 by a party of the 1^st battalion 4^th regiment under Captain Clapham, supported by 100 armed peons.”[851]

The date given by Baber regarding the death of the Pazhassi Raja seems to be inaccurate. His report written directly after killing the Pazhassi Raja to the Chief Secretary to Government is dated “the 30^th November 1805,” and in the detailed report sent by him to the Principal Collector, Baber wrote that the Raja was killed on December 1, 1805. The latter date appears to be correct because the proclamation announcing the death of the Raja was dated December 8, 1805.[852]

Babar was deeply moved by the courage of Pazhassi and he performed all the customary honours due to a Hindu Raja at the time of his funeral. In his lengthy letter to the authorities, he wrote: “Thus terminated the career of a man who has been enabled to persevere in hostilities against the Company for near nine years during which many thousand valuable lives had been sacrificed and sums of money, beyond all calculation, expended. But it will not be necessary for me to enlarge to you, who are so well acquainted with this Chieftain’s history, on the leading features of an extraordinary and singular a character. The records of India and England will convey to posterity a just idea of him.” [853]

There is a widespread belief among the people today that the Pazhassi Raja committed suicide by swallowing a diamond ring. There is no documentary evidence to prove this. Diamond, unlike snake poison or potassium cyanide, will not cause instant death. Many of his adherants committed suicide instead of falling into the hands of the enemy. The Raja would have very much preferred suicide but he did not get time for performing that act. From the study of available materials, it can be positively asserted that he was killed in the surprise and sudden attack made by Clapham. Contemporary evaluation tends to the view that the Pazhassi Rebellion was a war of liberation and that the Raja was a great “freedom fighter.”[854]

The period we have just reviewed saw the formidable challenge to British authority in Malabar by an ordinary Raja. The Pazhzassi Raja was once a loyal ally of the British and supported them in the conflicts with Hyder and Tipu. It was the mistake committed by the Commissioners in choosing his uncle, Veera Varma, to manage the affairs of Kottayam that led to a bitter estrangement between the Company and the Raja. The conflict that began in 1792 dragged on till near the end of 1805, and the despatches of Wellington – the ‘Iron Duke’ who humbled Napoleon - reveal the anxiety and tension that prevailed in the British camp and also the outstanding ability and influence of the Raja. The hilly nature of the country, the guerilla warfare carried on by the Raja’s adherents and the support given by the formidable archers of the Kurichiya tribe, made all the earlier attempts of the British to quell the rebellion extremely difficult. It came as a surprise to the British that a petty Raja – not even the Zamorin or the Kolathiri – could so successfully challenge the British power and for so long a period. Their bewilderment and shock at the success of the rebellion made Jonathan Duncan, Governor of Bombay, admit that “… the great … evil in this unhappy contest arised principally out of the Pyche Raja’s extraordinary success… which renders it dangerous to the Company’s interests and disgraceful to our national character to yield too far in concession to this chiefly insurgent, till at last we shall have vindicated the credit of our arms by showing him that he cannot expect to continue successfully to contend against us.”[855] The British were bent upon crushing the rebellion, and Stevenson’s new strategy brought every place of importance under the British, and victory seemed remote for the rebels. But it was Macleod’s new table of exchange and revised land assessments that gave a new lease of life for the flickering rebellion. With the death of the Pazhassi Raja, the ancient regime came to an end, and Malabar came firmly under the British.

 

**************

 

 

 

 

 

CONCLUSION

In the foregoing pages wer have examined the circumstances that led to the establishment of British rule in Malabar. A singular feature of Malabar history during the entire period was the absence of political unity among the Rajas. The Kolathiri kingdom at its zenith extended frm the Netravati River in the north to the Korapuzha in the south and from Kudakumala in the east to the Arabian Sea in the west. The Kolathiris might have become the most powerful rulers had it not been for the rivalprinces jostling forpower. The continuous strife of the princely houses made the Kolathiri impotent, and this enabled the Zamorin to gain ascendence among the contending Rajas of Malabar.

The Kolathiri entered into an alliance with the Portuguese with a view to wreaking vengeance on the Zamorin. This alliance benefited him much, and Cannanore soon developed into a flourishing sea port. The Kolathiri could have reduced the power of the Zamorin with the help of the Portuguese. But the Portuguese found Cochin more advantageous to pursue their commercial interests and, therefore, he could not count on their support at all times. With the arrival of the Dutch, French and English, the political landscape changed and the Kolathiri had to shift his loyalty according to varying circumstances.

The Zamorin’s position was rather different. His friendship with the Mappilas and Arab traders made him wealthy and powerful. Durate Barbosa was in Malabar for about 16 years and he wrote: “The Mappilas are, so many and so rooted in the soil throughout Malabar, that it seems to me they are a fifth part of its people spread over all its kingdoms and provinces.”[856] He speaks about the wealth and influence of the Muslims, their control of Malabar trade, and their numerous mosques. The Arabs did not like the arrival of the Portuguese in Malabar, and they felt that it would be a great danger to their trading interests. If the Zamorin had formed an alliance with the Portuguese, the course of events in Malabar would have been different. The general belief among some historians is that the Zamorin showed reluctance to entertain the Portuguese because he wanted to prevent Europeans from entering Malabar. But on deeper analysis it appears that it was mainly because of the intrigues of the Arabs that the Zamorin could not give a definitive answer. Many writers of today prefer to stress, instead of the power and influence of the Arabs, the European aggressiveness. But the fact of the matter is that the power and wealth of the Arabs had grown to such proportions that they could even guide the foreign policy of the Zamorin. They assisted the Zamorin in all his wars, and even the navy was controlled by them. There is reason to believe that the Zamorin was not in a position to assert himself. At one stage the Zamorin found himself helpless to punish a Mappila admiral, Kunjali Marakkar, when he insulted him by cutting off the tail of a royal elephant.[857] Ralph Fitch noted that the Kunjali Marakkars’ power ranged from Ceylon to Goa, using companies of four to five boats, each with fifty to sixty men.[858] In these circumstances it is evident that it was not with an idea of resisting foreign aggression that the Zamorin gave an evasive answer to the Portugues but, it appears, he was rather under the thumb of the Arabs. If he had forged an alliance with the Portuguese, he could have converted Kerala into a single confederacy and made himself the most powerful ruler.

The history of Kottayam and Kadathunad principalities is of special interest because it witnessed the fall of of the Nayar power. The Nayars had their own martial customs and their own art of warfare. They had a fencing school or gymnasium. Tammo or Dharmottu Panikkar was the hereditary instructor-in-arms, and in Calicut he gave instructions to young princes. The Nayars were the feudal and military aristiocrats of the Malabar Coast and, as a class of professional warriors, they developed the art of swordsmanship to a high level. Edmund B urke, in one of his speeches on the French Revolution, compated them with the Marmalukes of Egypt. Woodcock says that they bore a notable resemblance to the Samuai of Japan. Marco Polo was loud in his praises for the Nayars, and their martial spirit attracted the attention of Caspar Correa and Durate Barbosa. They had even suicide squads called Chavers, and with the decline of the Nayar hegemony the old order came to an end in Malabar history.

The thirty years of Mysorean occupation constituted a period of continuous warfare. Murdoch Brown, a contemporary, who was both a private planter and British official, was surprised to note that gold and silver which the country had accumulated by centuries of trade had disappeared because of Mysorean invasions. Tax rates were assessed arbitrarily and at the jighest rates possible to get more money for the Mysoreans. Buchanan estimated that if a cultivator wanted to sell rice immediately after harvest, he had to pay 85 percent for the land tax, leaving little or nothing for him.[859] Even Mappilas did not prosper much, for Tipu’s state monopoly of pepper ruined their business as traders and shipbuilders. Pepper production steadily declined and, according to one survey, not one in fifty pepper vines was left standing by Tipu in South Malabar.[860] Owing to these oppressive measures even the Mappilas rose against Tipu and, according to a report, he resorted to the chopping off of the arms and legs of rebellious Mappilas in order to bring them under control.

The Treaty of Seringapatam (1792) left the East India Company sovereign over Malabar. Seen in true perspective the Mysorean aggression was a blessing in disguise for the English. The Rajas and Nayar Chieftains lost their energy and power by carrying on a protracted warfare as they were not in a position to resist the British. As Toynbee put it: “Perhaps India would not have been conqured by Western arms if she had not been conquered by Muslim arms first.”[861]

But the British came to Malabar not as invaders but as traders. So long as Zamorin maintained his authority, the Company was determined not to make conquests. Only when Malabar relapsed into anarchy, the English merchants were unwillingly drawn into war and conquest to save their trade from Mysorean and French aggression. The Third Mysore Waqr cleared the path for the rise of the British power. As Ramsey Muir put it: “Never was the Empire less the result of design than the British Empire of India.”[862]

At the time when Malabar was ceded to the British in 1792, Tipu estimated the revenue of the province at 936,765 pagodas.[863] In the report of the Joint Commissioners the income was estimated at 722,014 pagodas.[864] Of the total income got from the province 43 percent was calculated as coming from North Malabar, 57 percent from South Malabar, 84 percent was obtained from land revenue, and 11 percent from customs duties.[865]

The expansion of overseas enterprises was closely connected with the growth of merchant capitalism in England. The Indian trade increased not only the shipping, but the wealth of England. “By 1621, £300,000 in building shipping, which was more than King James had then in the navy. The Indian trade thus filled the nation with great ships and expert mariners.”[866]

The Company slowly shifted its main interest from trade to “ruling for profit.” The change in British policy began in 1765 when Clive entered into a treaty with the Nawab of Bengal, and from that time onwards collection of taxes became the chief objective of the Company. “The natives who woud not buy goods were coerced into buying services, political, and military and legal; not all illusory but all expensive.” [867] In 1791 Abercromby sent a circular letter to the Rajas of Kadathanad, Kottayam, Chirakkal and the Zamorin informing them that the Company would have exclusive right over pepper and other articles of commerce.[868] At first the British used their power to gain commercial monopoly in Malabar.[869] But gradually the policy of the company changed, and it became one of the territorial annexation instead of monopoly of trade, for a time had come now when dominion itself could be a source of profit.[870]

The Commissioners appointed by the Company to settle the affairs of Malabar had a vey delicate task to perform.They reinstated the Rajas and Nayar Chieftains and made annual settlements with them for the successive two years.

In 1794, the settlement was made for a period of five years. But the Commissioners were not  “fitted by talents or experience for the post.” They were not well versed in the complicated land tenure of Malabar, and difficulties arose over the revenue which the Company expected to receive from the princes. The revenue was assessed too high, and as the Fifth Report stated:” There was also too much reason to apprehend, that the form of government, both revenue and judicial, which had been adopted, did not accord with the feelings and prejeduces of the people, nor with the circumstances of the country.[871]

But the Commissioners tried in a variety of ways to introduce a new system of government based on law and justice. In Malabar there were many traditional observances and customs, and  there was no uniformity of law. The manner of carrying out capital punishment was sometimes cruel and barbarous. The Palghat Achchan (Prince) decapitated the headman of a hill tribe called Malarasar for disturbing a Brahmin festival. The Commissioners reprimanded the prince for this cruel action, and he gave a written agreement that he would not “exercise in future any criminal jurisdiction affecting the life or limb of any person.”[872] The Commissioners’ Settlement marked the beginning of an important era in the evolution of an administration based on law and justice.

When the Zomorin brought charges against Stevens and Agnew for extorting one lakh of rupees, the Bombay Government appointed a commission for a special enquiry into these charges. They were prosecuted by the King’s Bench in London on charges of bribery and extortion. In the Court of Sentence they were jointly condemned to the forfeiture of Rs. 85,000 and Stevens was fined 45,000 over and above the said amount and sentenced to two years imprisonment “from that time until he shall have discharged the fine.”[873] The British introduced many changes in the setup and working of the administration and the juciciary which ultimately resulted in the establishment of the rule of law.

The biggest challenge to the Company’s authority came from the Pazhassi Raja. There was also resistance by the Padinjare Kovilagam Raja (western Palace of the Zamorin’s family). Some historians view the rebellion of the Pazhassi Raja and his adherents as a great national movement, organized by patriotic leaders to regain Malabar’s lost indepence; they try to picture it as a heroic struggle of a subject people against superior forces. But the facts do not quite fit into the picture. Both the Pazhassi Raja and the Princes of the Zamorin’s family represented a rigid caste system and a parochial society dominated by the Nayars. In fact it was a revolt of the reactionaries, rulers whose territories had been annexed, chieftains who had lost power and prestige, Nayar families cherishing the memory of vanished glory, protesting against the new world that was growing up around them. One significant result of the rebellion was the great fear that it generated among the British in Malabar. They had been caught unprepared, and the authorities recognized that the maintenance of power in Malabar by a small racial minority, unconnected with the people and aliens, required overwhelming superiority of force and constant vigilance. So far as Malabar was concerned, the rebellion closed the chapter of the leadership of this old feudal nobily.

 

 

 

 

---

1.       .M.H.Heiner, Arab Geographers (Madras: University of Madras, 1942), p.19.

2.       W. Logan, Malabar (Madras: Government Press, 1951), Vol.1, p.1

3.       Exodus 30: 23.

4.       C.N. Ahmed Maulavi, Saheehul Bukhari (Calicut: Ansari Press, rev. ed. 1970), p.21

5.       George Woodcock, Kerala (London: Faber and Faber, 1967), p.32

6.       K.P.P. Menon, A History of Kerala ( Ernakulam: Cochin Government Press, 1934), p. 232.

7.       T.I. Poonan, A Survey of the Rise of Dutch Power in India (Trichinopoly: St. Joseph’s Industrial Press, 1948), p.12

 

8 Galletti, A., The Dutch in Malabar, Government Press, Madras, 1911

 

 

 

 

 

[9] M.Q. Ferishtha, History of the Rise of the Mahomedan Power, tr. By John Briggs ( London: Green and Co. 1829, Vol. 1V, p.96.

[10] Quoted by K.M. Panikkar, A History of Kerala ( Annamalianagar: Annamalai University, 1959), pp. 16-17.

[11] Winser, Shane, (http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/)

[12] Barbosa, Duarte, The Book of Duarte Barbosa, Vol. II, New Delhi, 1989, pp.5-6.

[13] G. Correa, The Three Voyages of Vasco da Gama, tr.by Henry Stanley from Lendas da India ( Londn: Hakluyt Society, 1849), p.326.

[14] F.C. Danvers, The Portuguese in India (London: W. H. Allen & Co., Ltd., 1894), Vol. I, p. xxxvI.

 

[15] Kelly, Lynne, Knowledge and Power in Prehistoric Societies,Cambridge University Press, New York, 2015, p.17

[16] Elamkulam P.N. Kunjan Pillai, Studies in Kerala History, , Kottayam, and M.G.S. NARAYANAN, Perumals of Kerala: Brahmin Oligarchy and Ritual Monarchy, Political and Social Conditions of Kerala under the Cera Perumals of Makotai (c. AD 800–1124), Trissur: CosmoBooks, 2013.

[17] Hamilton, Walter, I, A Geographical, Statistical, and Historical Description of ..., Volume 2, John Murray, London. 1820, p. 285

[18] Bayly, C.A. Rulers, Townsmen and Bazaars: North Indian Society in the Age of British Expansion, 1770-1870, Cambridge, 1983, p.6.

[19]  John R. McLane, Land and Local Kingship in Eighteenth Century Bengal, Cambridge, 1993, p. 5.

[20]  Yule, Marco Polo, Vol.II, p. 374.

[21] K.M. Panikkar, A History of Kerala, p.22.

[22] W. Foster, English Factories in India, Vol. I, p. 357.

[23] Ibid.

[24] Hamilton’s A New Account of the East Indies, quoted by W. Logan, Malabar Manual, Vol. I, p. 348.

[25] Ibid., p.344.

[26] K.P. Padmanabha Menon, History of Kerala, Vol. I, p.332.

[27] Alexander Hamilton, A New Account of the East Indies, Vol. I, Edinburgh, 1727, p. 295;

[28] W. Logan, op. cit., p. 346.

[29] Ibid.

[30] Birdwood, Report on the Old Records of the India Office.

[31] W. Logan, op. cit., p. 346.

[32] W. Logan, op. cit., p. 346.

[33] Letter – Prince of Chirakkal to Tellicherry, Aporil 22, 1728, Tellicherry Consultations, Vol. III, p.105.

[34] Jacob Vischer, Letters from Malabar, Letter III.

[35] Innes & Evans, Malabar District Onsetter. P.54.

[36] W. Logna, A Collection of Treaties, Engagements and Other Papers of Importance, Relating to British Affairs in Malabar, p. 2.

[37] Letter: Fort St. George to East India Company, February 12, 1715, Despatches to England, ( 1714 – 1718) p.52.

[38] W. Logan, Malabar Manual. Vol. I, p. 346.

[39] A. Hamilton, A New Account of East Indies, quoted by W. Logan, Malabar Manual, p. 346.

[40] W. Loigan, op. cit. p. 347.

[41] Ibid., p. 347.

[42] W. Logan, Treaties and Engagements, I, vii, p.4.

[43] Innes, Malabar Gazeteer, p. 52.

[44] K.V. Krishna Ayyar, The Zamorins of Calicut, p.250.

[45] Letters – Court of Directors to Surat, 17& 22 June 1685, Records of Fort St. George,  Despatches from England

 (1681, 1686), p.176.

[46] Letter – Court of Directors to Fort St. George, June 6, 1687, Records of Fort St. George, Despatches from England ( 1686, 1692), p. 57.

[47] W. Logan, Treatises etc, I, VII, pp. 5-6.

[48] Ibid.

[49] Ibid.

 

[50] Ali Raja was backed up by the Dutch in his sections. The Dutch took advantages of  the dissensions in the Kolathiri family and made it impracticable for the Prince to set vigorously.

[51] Letter – Tellicherry to Bombay, February 19, 1730, Letters from Tellicherry, Vol. I, pp. 24-25.

[52] Tellicherry Consultations, Vol. IV, p. 13.

[53] Letter – Tellicherry to Bombay, December 6, 1730, Letters from Tellicherry, Vol. I, p. 51.

[54] Tellicherrry Consultations, Vol. IV, p. 51.

[55] Letter – Tellicherry to the Court of Directors, February 7, 1731. Letters from Tellicherry, Vol. I, p. 66.

[56] Tellicherry Consultations, Vol. V, pp. 14 – 14.

[57] Ibid.

[58] Ibid., Vol.V, p. 30.

[59] Ibid., Vol.I, p. 32.

[60] Letter – Tellicherry to Bombay, July 19, 1733, Letters  from Tellicherry, Vol II, p. 61.

[61] Ibid., pp.60-64.

[62] Ibid.

[63] Ibid., October 23, 1732, pp. 2-3.

[64] Tellicherry Consultations, Vol. VI, pp. 5-6.

[65] Ibid., p.27.

[66] Ibid., p.37.

[67] Ibid.

[68] Ibid., p. 43.

[69] Letter – Tellicherry to Bombay, February 22, 1733, Letters from Tellicherry, Vol.II, p. 40.

[70] Tellicherry Consultations, Vol. VI, p. 43.

[71]. Letter – Tellicherry to Bombay, February 22, 1733, Letters from Tellicherry, Vol.II, p. 40

[72] Tellicherry Consultations, Vol. VI, p. 45.

[73]  Letter – Tellicherry to Bombay, October 31, 1733, Letters from Tellicherry, Vol.II, p. 40.

[74] Ibid., p. 49- 53..

[75] Tellicherry Consultations, Vol. VII, p. 44.

[76] Letter – Tellicherry to Bombay, February 22, 1733, Letters from Tellicherry, Vol.IV, pp.44-45.

[77] Tellicherry Consultations, Vol. VIII, p. 35.

[78] Ibid., p. 37.

 

[79] Letter – Tellicherry to Bombay, December 26, 1735, Letters from Tellicherry, Vol.IV, p. 46.

[80] Tellicherry Consultations, Vol. III, p. 44.

[81] Letter - Tellicherry to the Court of Directors, January  17, 1736,. Letters from Tellicherry, Vol. IV, pp.52-56.

[82] Letter - Tellicherry to Madras,, January 28, 1736, Ibid., p.62.

[83] Letter – Tellicherry to Bombay, Feb.2, 1736, Ibid., p.64.

[84] Ibid., p.66.

[85] Tellicherry Consultations, Vol. VIII, p. 70.

[86] Ibid., p. 71.

[87] Ibid.

[88] Ibid., p.80.

[89] Ibid., pp. 115-116.

[90] Ibid., Vol. X, p.26.

[91] Ibid.

[92] Ibid., Vol. XIV, p.22.

[93] Ibid.,

[94] Ibid, Vol. XVI, p.35.

[95] Ibid.

[96] Ibid.

[97] Ibid.

[98] Ibid., pg. 140.

[99] Ibid., pg. 144.

[100]  Ibid., pp. 149-150.

[101]  Ibid., p.149

[102] Ibid., pp. 149-150

[103] Ibid., p. 201.

[104] Ibid., Vol. XVII- A, p.108

[105] Ibid., p.189

[106] Ibid., Vol. XVIII, p.19.

[107]  W. Logan, Treaties etc., pp.45-46

[108] Tellicherry Factory Diary, 10^th January 1749.

[109] Ibid.

[110] Ibid.

[111] Ibid., dated May 8, 1749.

[112] Ibid.

[113] Tellicherry Consultations, Vol.XVIII, p.320.

[114] Ibid., pp. 240- 246.

[115] Tellicherry Factory Diary, dated September 7, 1749.

[116] Ibid., November 6, 1751.

[117] W. Logan, Treaties etc., I.LXVI.

[118] Tellicherry Factory Diary, Vol. X, p. 145.

[119] Ibid., p.155

[120] Ibid., p.213.

[121] Ibid, Vol. XI, pp.70-81.

[122] Ibid., pp. 81-84

[123] Ibid., pp. 84-86               

[124] Ibid., p. 347

[125] W. Logan, A Collection of treatises etc., I, LXIX

[126] Tellicherry Factory Diary, Vol. XI, pp. 320-321.

[127] Ibid., Vol. XII, p.6.

[128] Ibid., pp. 116& 134.

[129] Ibid., p.147.

[130] Ibid., pp. 130 – 139.

[131] Ibid., Vol. XIII, pp.6-7

[132] Ibid., pp. 35-36.

[133] Ibid., p.84.

[134] Ibid., p. 151.

[135] Ibid., Vol. XIII, B, p. 104.

[136] Ibid., pp. 245-246

[137] Ibid., pp. 254 -255.

[138] Ibid., Vol. XIV, pp. 9-10.

[139] Ibid, p. 86.

[140] Ibid., p. 98.

[141] W. Logan, A Collection of Treaties etc. I, LXX.

[142] Ibid.

[143] Ibid.

[144] Tellicherry Factory Diary, Vol.XV, pp. 106-107.

[145] Ibid., p. 258.

[146] Ibid., p. 266.

[147] Ibid., Vol. XVI, p. 257.

[148] Ibid., Vol. XVII, pp. 6-7.

[149] Ibid., dated September 9, 1760.

[150] Ibid., dated March 11,  1761.

[151] Ibid., Vol. XVII, p. 45.

[152] Ibid., p. 56.

[153] Ibid., p. 68.

[154] Ibid., p. 69.

[155] Ibid., Vol. XVII, p. 75.

[156] Ibid., p. 76.

[157] Ibid., p. 83.

[158] Ibid., p. 118.

[159] Ibid., Vol. XVII, p. 209..

[160] Ibid., p. 256.

[161] Ibid., pp. 274- 275.

[162] Ibid., pp. 402- 403.

[163] Ibid., Vol. XVIII, p.4.

[164] Ibid.

[165] Ibid., pp. 42- 44.

[166] Ibid., p. 82.   

[167]  Ibid., Vol. XX, p. 93.

[168] Ibid., Vol. XVIII, p. 155.

[169] "Historical Account of Nawab Hyder Ali Khan", Sel. Dutch Records Madras No. 5 (Madras, 1908)

[170] Tellicherry Consultations, Vol. VI, p.6.

[171] Hunter’s Imperial Gazette of India, Vol. VI., Art. ‘Malabar,’Aichison’s “Treaties &c.,” Vol. V, p.311

[172]  Historical Account of Nawab Hyder Ali Khan., pp. 5-7;L. f. M., 1767, I, Breekpot to Batavia, s.1., April 15, 1766. "

[173] Tellicherry Factory Diary, Folia No. 1487, p. 66.

[174] Ibid., p.96

[175] Lohuizen Jan Van, The Dutch East India Company and Mysore, S·Gravenhage - Martibus Nuhoff -   1961, p.32

[176]  Tellicherry Factory Diary, Folio No. 1491, p.68.

[177] Historical Account of Nawab Hyder Ali Khan", Sl. Dutch Records Madras. Letters from Malabar.1775, II, Moens to Batavia, June 18. 1774 (Madras, 1908) - pp.20-3

[178] Cf. infra, Chapter 3.

[179] Mark Wilks, Historical Sketches of South India. Vol.II, p. 132.

[180] Ibid., p. 129

[181] Ibid., pp. 788-790.

[182] Bombay Secret and Political Diary. No.39, pp.110-112.

[183] Letter – Tellicherry to Bombay, April 15, 1789. Bombay Secret and Political Diary, No. 39, pp. 220-222.

[184] Francis Day, Land of the Perumals, pp.182-183.

[185] Wilks, Mark, Historical Sketches of South India, Longmans, London. 1817, Vol.III, pp. 22-23.

[186] Buchanan, Francis, Journey From Madras Through Mysore, Canara and Malabar, Vol.2, New Delhi, 1988, p.350

[187] Poona Residency Correspondence, Vol.III, p.122.

[188] Tellicherry Factory Diary, Folio No. 1506, p.136.

[189] Bombay Secret and Political Diary. No..40, pp. 124-125.

[190] Ibid.

[191] Tellicherry Factory Diary, April 24, 1790.

[192] Ibid, Folio 1506, p. 138.

[193] Bombay Secret and Political Diary, No. 40, pp. 102-105.

[194] The Hindu, May, 04, 2014

[195] Letter – Governor General to Bombay, Bombay Secret Political Diary, No.40, pp. 294 – 295.

[196] Their inter-coastal trade rapidly expanded, and “ the History of the Arabs on this Ocean is one of an expanding commerce, which reached its peak in the ninth century of the Christian era,” G. Heurani, Arab Seafaring in the Indian Ocean in Ancient and Early Medieval Times ( Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1951). P. 85. Chinese traders also came to Malabar and there were Chinese settlements. The last notice of Chinese fleets dispatched to the Malabar Coast are from the period of the Ming dynasty (1402 – 1424). Afterwards the Europeans gained control of the area. Cf. Henry Yule, Cathay and the Way Thither (London: Hakluyt Society, 1913- 1916), Vol. I, pp. 81 – 87. Large quantities of Roman coins have also been discovered in different parts of Malabar. Cf. A.L. Basham, The Wonder That Was India (London: Sidgwick and Jackson, 1954), p. 226 – 231.

[197] Shaykh Zaynu’d-Din, Tohfut-al-Mujahidin, tr. S.M.Husayn Nainar ( Madras: University of Madras, 1942), p. 59.

[198] Francis Day, The Land of the Perumals ( Madras: Gantas Bros., 1865), p. 364.

[199] Cf. Cochin State Manual, ed. C. Achyuta Menon ( Ernakulam: Cochin Government Press, 1911.), p. 227.

[200] P.K.S. Raja, Mediaeval Kerala (Calicut: The Navakerala Co.op., Publishing House, 1966), p. 60.

[201] K.M. Panikkar, Malabar and the Portuguese ( Bombay: D.B. Taraporevala Sons and Co. 1899), p.24.

[202] K.G. Whiteway, The Rise of Portuguese Power in India (London: Archibald Constable and Co. 1899), pp.26f. The

      Kolathiri was very friendly with the Portuguese, and sought their help against the Zamorin Cf. F. C, Danvers, The   

     Portuguese in India ( London: W.H. Allen and Co., 1894), p. 59.

[203] Castenheda, Discovery and Conquest of Inda – Kerr, Collection of Voyages and Travels, Vol. II, p. 396.

[204] Cf. Journal of Kerala Studies, Vol. II, p. 514.

[205]   MGS Narayanan claims that the last Chera king, Rama Kulasekhara ruled till 1124, but Elamkulam gives 1102 as the year for Rama Kulasekhara.                                                  

[206] K.V. Krishna Ayyar, The Zamorins of Calicut, P. 52.

[207] Woodcock, George, Kerala, Faber & Faber, London, 1967, p.134                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                               

[208] Robert Kerr, A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels (complete) Arranged in Systematic Order, Published by the Library of Alexandria, Vol.1, Edinburgh, 1^st. March 1811.

[209]  Woodcock, op.cit,p. 139.

[210] K.V. Krishna Ayyar, Summaries of Papers, Indian History Congress, 1976, p. 2.

[211] List of Marine Records of the East India Company : Statutes of the Realm, Vol. II., p. 534

[212] Kusuman, K.K., A History of Travancore & Commerce in Travancore 1600 – 1805, Mittal Publications, Delhi, 1987, p.73.

[213] Foster, William, (ed) Early Travels In India, 1583 – 1619, p.6

[214] Ralph M. Fitch, “ Voyage of Ralph M. Fitch, 1583 – 1591,” The Principal Navigations and Voyages, Traffiques and  

      Discoveries of the English Nation, Richard Hakluyt, ed., Vol. V, p. 502.

[215] Sangar, Pramod, The Enbassy of Sir Thomas Roe and Mughal Empire, The Tribune, January 9, 1999

[216] Hall, Frederick, Early Travels in India, Oxford University Press, London, 1921, p.21

[217] Kerr, Robert, A General History of and Collections of Voyages and Travels, Vol. IX, James Ballantyne and  Company, Edinburgh, 1813, pp.241-42.

[218] Ibid. p. 242.

[219]  Ibid, 243.

[220] Purchas, His Pilgrimage, Vol IV, p. 603.

[221] W. Forster, Letters to the East India Company, Vol. IV, p.316.

[222] Café Dissensus on February 15, 2016,  https://cafedissensus.com/2016/02/15/four-hundred-years-of-a-letter-calicut-english-relations/                                         

[223] Sir George Birdwood’s Report, p. 227.

[224] W. Logan, Malabar, Vol..I, p.326.

[225]  Foster, William, The English Factories in India 1661 – 1664, . Vol. V, Oxford p. 317.

[226] Ibid., Vol. VI, p.116.

[227] Ibid., Vo. V, p.146.

[228]  Rose, John Holland and Newton, Arthur Percival, The Cambridge History of British Empire, CUP Archives, 1929, p.50.

[229] K.M.Panikkar, Malabar and the Dutch, p.55.

[230] Quoted by W. Logan, op.cit. p. 340.

[231] William Foster, op.cit. p. 357

[232] Surat Factory Records, Vol.66, p. 194.

[233] Ibid., p. 204.

[234] Ibid., p. 318.

[235] Ibid., Vol. 105, p.30.

[236] Ibid.

[237] Surat Consultations, Vol.I, p.214.

[238] Calicut to Surat, Original Correspondence, Folio I, p. 4300.

[239] Bombay to East India Company, November 17, 1675, Original Correspondence, Folio No. 3, p. 4129.

[240] Ibid., Folios 6-8, p. 4258.

[241] Surat Factory Records, Vol V, p. 154.

[242] W. Foster, A Supplementary Calendar of Documents in India Office relating to India or to the Home Affairs of

      the East India Company, p. 154, quoted by Roland E. Miller, Mappila Muslims of Kerala, p. 81.

[243] Translation from a copy in the Portuguese Manuscripts, W. Logan, Treaties etc, II, p.2

[244] Alexander Hamilton, A New Account of the East India, Vol. I, p. 316.

[245] Press List of Ancient Dutch Records from 1657 – 1825, Heijilgers, A.J.M. Madras Record Office.

[246] Translation from a copy in the Portuguese Manuscripts, W. Logan, Treaties etc, I, IV, p.3

[247]  Visscher, Jacob Canter Letters from Malabar, Letter III. Gantz Brothers, Madras, 1862, p.22

[248] The Tellicherry Consultations, Vol. III, p. 72.

[249] P.C. Alexander, The Dutch in Malabar, p.32.

[250] Ibid., p.33

[251]  Visscher, op.cit., Letter III.

[252] Ibid, p.22

[253] http://www.columbia.edu/itc/mealac/pritchett/00fwp/#fwp. This site is maintained by  Prof. Emerita Frances W. Pritchett,  Columbia University 

[254]  BBC,  http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-32621444        

[255] Ibid.

[256] Alexander Hamilton, “ A New Account of the East Indies”. Voyages and Travels, John Pinkerton, ed.,

      Vol. VII, p. 378.

[257] Tellicherry Consultations, Vol. XI.

[258] Ibid., Vol. XII, p.28.

[259] Ibid., Vol. XI, p.110.

[260] Ibid., Vol. XV, pp. 40-42.

[261] Ibid., Vol. XVII, p. 76.

[262] Tellicherry Factory Diary, December 14, 1759.

[263] Letter – Fort St. George to East India Company, October 9, 1716, Records of Fort St. George, Despatches to England, ( 1714, 1718) pp.98-99.

[264] Jacob Visscher, op.cit., Letter No. IV.

[265] Records of Fort. St. George, Despatches to England,  (1714 - 1718) p. 92.

[266] Ibid. 

[267] The Press List of Ancient Dutch Records, No.95.

[268] P.C. Alexander, The Dutch in Malabar, p.36.

[269] Letter – Fort St. George to East India Company. Despatches to England, p.105.

[270] Jacob Visscher, op.cit., Letter No.IV.

[271] P.C.Alexander, op.cit., p.38.

[272] Galletti, The Dutch in Malabar, p.134.

[273] Tellicherry Consultations, Vol. II, p.29.

[274] The Press List of Ancient Dutch Records, No.156.

[275]  Woodcock, George, Kerala, Faber & Faber, London, 1967, p. 172.

[276]   Stapel, Geschiedenis van Nederlandsch-lndië (2nd ed.; Amsterdam, 1943), pp. 166-7. N. Mac Leod, "Uit de Geschiedenis der Oost-Indische Compagnie in de tweede helft der 18e eeuw", De lndische Gids, 32 (Amsterdam, 1910), pp. 1492 et seqq., 1605 et seq

[277] Letter- Tellicherry to Bombay, November 216, 1729, Letters from Tellicherry, Vol.I, p.15.

[278] Ibid.

[279] Ibid., Vol. II, p.61.

[280] Ibid.

[281] Tellicherry Factory Diary, Vol. XII, p.6.

[282] Letter from Colombo, 1767, 111, Breekpot to Falck, 5.1., March 22, 1766).

[283] Jan Van Lohuizen, The Dutch East India Company  And  Mysore 1762·1790,  S·Gravenhage - Martinus Nuhoff -1961, p.22

[284] Ibid.

[285] K.V.Krishna Ayyar, The Zamorins of Calicut, p.240.

[286] Lawrence Dundas Campbell, The Asiatic Annual Register, for the year 1804, T.Cadel and W. Davies, London, 1906, p.20.

[287] Letters from Malabar (Overgekomen brieven van Malabar)   Breekpot to Batavia, 5.1., June 12, 1766.                                             

 

[288] K.M.Panikkar, A History of Kerala, p.324.

[289] Tellicherry Factory Diary, Vol. II, pp. 344 – 346.

[290] K.V.Krishna Ayyar, op.cit., p-. 241.

[291] C. Hayavadana Rao, History of Mysore, p. 581.

[292] Tellicherry Factory Diary, Folio 1476, Part II, p.96.

[293] K.V.Krishna Ayyar, op.cit., p.242.

[294] K.M.Panikkar, op.cit., p. 232.

[295] M.Wilks, Historical Sketches, Vol. II, p.61.

[296].K.V. Krishna Ayyar, The Zamorins of Calicut, p. 245.

[297] Calletti, op.cit., p.156

[298] Ibid,’ p. 156.

[299] "Historical Account of Nawab Hyder Ali Khan", Sel. Dutch Records Madras Letters from Malabar.1775, II, Moens to Batavia, June 18. 1774 (Madras, 1908) - pp.20-3

[300] T.K.Velu Pillai, Travancore State Manual, p. 307.

[301] Calletti, op.cit., p.155

[302] J. Spencer, J. Smee and A. Walter. A Report on the Administration of Malabar, p.3. ( Jumma = the revenue

      demand)

[303] Ibid.

[304] The Joint Commissioner’s Report, p. 26.

[305] Calletti, The Dutch in Malabar, pp. 162 – 163.

[306] Bombay Secret and Political Diary, Vol. 26, pp. 50,52.

[307] Tellicherry Factory Diary, Vol. LIX, pp. 69 – 71.

[308] Ibid.

[309] Ibid, Vol. LIX, pp. 79 – 80.

[310] Tellicherry Factory Diary, Vol. LIX, pp.82-85.

[311] Ibid., Vol. V. pp. 34-41.

[312] Ibid., Vol. LV, pp. 54 – 57.

[313]  Ibid., Vol. LV, pp. 65 – 67.

[314] Letter from Malabar 1783, I, Van Angelbeek to the Secret Committee for War Affairs, May 1, 1782; do., Van Angelbeek to Batavia, 5.1., May 2, 1782.

[315]  Tellicherry Factory Diary, op, cit., Vol. LIX, pp. 121 – 122.

[316] Bombay Secret & Political Diary, Vol. 26. pp. 341- 347.

[317] Tellicherry Factory Diary, Vol. LIX, pp. 137 – 138

[318] Couteur, J. LE, Letters chiefly from India. London, 1790, p.128

[319]. Bombay Secret & Political Diary, No. 27, pp. 864 – 866.

[320] Ibid, pp. 905 – 906.

[321] Ibid., No. 28, pp. 51 – 55.

[322] Ibid.,  No. 27, pp. 918 – 920.

[323] Ibid.,  No. 30, pp. 212 – 213.

[324] Ibid.

[325] W. Fullerton, A View of the English Interests in India, pp. 26 – 30.

[326] Ibid.

[327] Ibid.

[328] Bombay Secret & Political Diary, No. 30, pp. 436 – 487.

[329] C.A. Innes, Malabar Gazetteer, p. 73.

[330] J. Spencer, J. Smee and A. Walker, A Report on the Administration of Malabar. para 2, p.37.

[331] Joint Commissioners Report, pp. 35 – 36.

[332] Tellicherry Factory Diary, Folio no. 1503, pp. 66-68.

[333] . Spencer, J. Smee and A. Walker, A Report on the Administration of Malabar. op.cit., p.7.

[334] Ibid., para 23.

[335] K.V. Krishna Ayyar, op.cit., p. 245.

[336] W. Logan, Malabar, p.445.

[337] Ibid., p. 449.

[338] Ibid.

[339] Bombay Secret & Political Diary, No. 38, pp. 502 – 503.

[340] Tellicherry Factory Diary, Folio 1505, p. 79.

[341] The Joint Commissioner’s Report, pp. 43 – 45.

[342] M. Wilks, Historical Sketches. Vol. II, p. 132.

[343] Ibid.

[344] Tellicherry Factory Diary, August 24, 1791.

[345] Joint Commissioner Report, paras  64, 72 and 90.

[346] M. Wilks, Historical Sketches, Vol. II, p. 132.

[347] John Shore’s Minutes, pp. 4 – 5.

[348] Durate Barbosa, The Book of Durate Barbosa, tr. M.W. Dames, Vol. II, p.5.

[349] Charles Wilson, Clive, p. 203.

[350] Hamid Ali, “ The Moplahs”, Malabar and Its Folk ( Madras: G.K. Natesan and Co., 1929), p. 267.

[351] The Arakkal Records, University of Calicut.

[352] The archives of the Arakkal family have now been the rremendos

[353] H. Gundert, Keralolpathi, pp. 64.

[354] A. Calleti, op. cit. p. 147.

[355] W. Logan, op.cit., p. 556.

[356] A. Sreedhara Menon, A Survey of Kerala History ( Kottayam: National Book Stall, 1970), p. 204.

[357] ‘Bibi’ indicates a female Ali Raja.

[358] Revenue Consultations, MS, 1805, Vol. 131, pp. 83 – 8d.

[359] Ibid,.

[360] Revenue Consultations, op.cit.,

[361] Surat Factory Records, Vol. 105, pp. 79.

[362] Ibid.

[363] Ibid., Vpl. 105, p. 126.

[364] Ibid., pp. 6-11.

[365] Ibid., Vol. 106, p. 61.

[366] Charles Fawcett, The English Factories in India, pp. 289 – 290.

[367] Roland E. Miller, Moppila Muslims of Kerala ( Madras: Orient Longman, 1976), p. 57.

[368] Tellicherry Consultations, Vol. III, p. 73.

[369] Jacob Visscher, Letters from Malabar, p. 119.

[370] Ibid., p. 20.

[371] Tellicherry Consultations, Vol. II, p. 104.

[372] Ibid, p. 105.

[373] Ibid., Vol. II, p.113.

[374] Ibid., Vol. II, p.114.

[375] Called in Hamilton’s time “ Cacca Diva, i.e., Crow (Kakka) Island, but usually called at this time “ Grove Island” by

     the factors.

[376] Letter to Tellicherry, 1726- 28, September 20, 1721, p. 51.

[377] Tellicherry Consultations, Vol. III.p. 73.

[378] Tellicherry Consultations, Vol. IV, pp. 8-9

[379] Tellicherry Factory Diary, November 3, 1730.

[380] Tellicherry Factory Diary, November 3, 1730.

[381] Ibid.

[382] Letters from Tellicherry, Vol. I, p. 50.

[383] Ibid., p. 56.

[384] Tellicherry Consultations, Vol. IV, p. 92.

[385] Ibid.

[386] For details of the Canarese invasion q.v., supra, Chapter I.

[387] Tellicherry Consultations, Vol. VI, p. 37.

[388] Letters from Tellicherry, Vol. III, pp. 27 – 28.

[389] Ibid., pp. 31 – 32.

[390] ..

[391] Ibid.

[392] Letters to Tellicherry, Vol. III, pp. 49 – 53.

[393] Tellicherry Consultations, Vol VII, p. 4.

[394] Portuguese Manuscript, tr. W. Logan, Treatise, Engagements, etc., (Madras, Government Press, 1951) I, XXV,

      p.24.

[395] Ibid.

[396] Tellicherry Consultations, Vol. III, p. 13.

[397] Tellicherry Factory Diary, February 6, 1735.

[398] Tellicherry Consultations, Vol. II, p.6.

[399] Ibid.

[400] W. Logan, op.cit., p. 366.

[401] Ibid.

[402] Tellicherry Consultations, Vol. XVI, pp. 145 – 148.Tellicherry Factory Diary, Vol. XV, p. 194.

[403]  Tellicherry Consultations, Vol. XVI, pp. 145 – 148.

[404] Ibid.

[405] Ibid

[406] F.I. Poonen, A Survey of the Dutch Power in Malabar ( Tiruchirapalli: St. Joseph’s Industrial Shool Press, 1948),

      p.135.

[407] Tellicherry Factory Diary, Vol. XVIII, p. 15.

[408] P.A. Seyd Muhammed,  Kerala Muslim Charitrum, ( Trichur: Current Books, 1961), p. 26.

[409] N.M. De La Tour, The History of Hayder Ali Khan, ( London: J. Johnson, 1704), p.96.

[410] Ibid., p.96.

[411] Bombay Secret & Political Diary, Vol. 26, pp. 93 – 94.

[412] Ibid., No, 23, pp. 604 – 606.

[413] W. Logan, op. cit., p. 415

[414] Ibid.

[415] Tellicherry Factory Diary, Folio 1478, p. 250.

[416] Ibid.

[417] Fletcher to Bombay, Bombay Secret and Political Diary, No. 10, p. 69.

[418] C.W. Aitchison, Treatise, Engagements etc. Vol. V, p. 130.

[419] Tellicherry Factory Diary, February 18, 1769.

[420] P.C. Alexander, op. cit., p. 159.

[421] Mahe is named after the French captain Mahe de La Bourdonnais who captured that place on the Malabar Coast in 1725.

[422] Tellicherry Factory Diary, Vol. LIX, p.106.

[423] Ibid., 1782, Vol. V, pp. 65 – 67.

[424] Ibid., 1783, Vol. XXXIII, pp. 75 – 77.

[425] Bombay Sectret & Political Diary, No. 28, pp. 469 – 471.

[426] Tellicherry Factory Diary, 1783, Vol. LIX, pp. 153, 154.

[427] F. Fawcett, “ War Songs of the Mappillas of Malabar”, Indian Antiquary XXX (1901).

[428] Tellicherry Factory Diary, Vol. XXXIII, pp. 98,00.

[429] Ibid., p. 104, June 17, 1783.

[430] Ibid,. Vol. LIX, pp. 152 -162, August 18, 1783.

[431] Bombay Secret & Political Diary, No. 28, pp. 230 – 239.

[432] Ibid., pp. 253 - 266

[433] W Logan, op. cit. p. 442.

[434] Bombay Secret & Political Diary, No. 30, pp. 45 – 50.

[435] Ibid., pp. 426 – 427.

[436] Ibid., No. 31, pp. 574 – 576.

[437] Ibid., pp. 426 – 427.

[438] Tellicherry Factory Diary, Folio 1503, p. 66.

[439] Some writers have attempted to rehabilitate Tipu’s image by portraying that he was not a religious bigot. But the fact of the matter is that he indulged in acts of religious oppression in Malabar, and this can be proved by the increase in numbers of the Mappila community during his period. Not only in Malabar, but in Kanara ( Mysore) also he behaved in a bestial manner towards the Christians. “He has razed to the ground the Catholic Churches, he has exiled the priests, he has bound the Christians in chains … forcibly circumcised, recruited others for thearmy.” Cf. D. Ferroli, The Jesuits in Malabar, Vol.II, p.120.

[440] Poona Residency Correspondences, No. 51, p. 43.

[441] Roland E. Miller, op. cit., p. 95.

[442] M.Wilkes, op. cit., p.120

[443] This order was discovered by the British at the time of the siege of the Palghat fort. Cf. M. Wilks, op.cit,. Vol. II,

      p. 132.

[444] K.P. Padmanabha Menon, A. History of Kerala, Vol. II, pp. 267 f.

[445] Bombay Secret & Political Diary, No. 40, pp. 10 – 11.

[446] Ibid., p. 201.

[447] Poona Residency Correspondence. Vol. III, p. 116.

[448] Ibid.

[449] Ibid., pp. 115 – 116.

[450] Ibid., pp. 167 – 169.

[451] Ibid.

[452] W. Logan, op.cit., pp. 465 – 466.

[453] Bombay Secret & Political Diary, No. 40. Pp. 638 – 640.

[454] Ibid.

[455] Ibid.

[456] Ibid.

[457] Ibid., p. 575.

[458] Tellicherry to Bombay, December 22, 1790, Ibid., No. 41 – A, p. 23.

[459] Diary of the Malabar Expedition, December 17, 1790, cf. w. Logan, Treatises etc., pp. 135 – 136.

[460] Ibid.

[461] Joint Commissioners Report, Vol. I. p.67.

[462] W. Logan, Treaties etc., II.CCVIII, p. 332.

[463] Cf. supra, ch. III, p. 126.

[464] Tellicherry Consultations, Vol. II, pp. 34 – 35.

[465] Tellicherry to Fort St. George, April 3, 1723, Letters to Fort St. George, pp. 22 -23.

[466] W. Logan, Treaties etc., I, XIII, pp. 11-12.

[467] Letter – Fort St. George to East India Company, January 21, 1724, Despatches to England. ( 1729, 1727)p. 93.

[468] Ibid., p. 100.

[469] Tellicherry Consultations, Vol. I, p.3.

[470] Ibid., p.4.

[471] Gondrin to Tellicherry, November 19, 1725, Ibid., p. 25.

[472] Tellicherry to Mahe, November 20, 1725, Ibid., p. 25.

[473] Mahe to Tellicherry, December 2, 1725, Ibid., p, 17.

[474] Tellicherry Consultations, Vol I, p. 18.

[475] Ibid., pp. 19 – 20.

[476] Ibid., p. 21.

[477] Ibid., Vol. II, pp. 16. 20. 21.

[478] Ibid.,p. 5

[479] Ibid., Vol. II, p. 27.

[480] Ibid.

[481] Ibid., p. 28.

[482] Ibid., Vol., XI, p.9.

[483] Ibid., p. 19.

[484] Ibid., p. 54.

[485] Ibid., p. 60.

[486] Ibid., p. 162.

[487] Ibid, p. 171.

[488] Ibid., Vol. XII, P. 18.

[489] Ibid., p. 48.

[490] Ibid., Vol. VIII, p. 38.

[491] Ibid., pp. 44 – 46.

[492] Tellicherry Factory Diary, February 19, 1728.

[493] Tellicherry Consultations, Vol. III, p. 70.

[494] Ibid.

[495] Tellicherry Factory Diary, September 7, 1749.

[496] Tellicherry Factory Diary, Vol XXX – B, p. 61.

[497] Ibid., Vol. XIV, p. 86.

[498] Ibid., Vol. XVII, pp. 10-11.

[499] Ibid.,  p.56.

[500] Ibid.,  p.76

[501] Ibid.,  p. 209.

[502] Ibid.,  p. 154.

[503] Ibid.,  p. 157.

[504] Ibid,. pp. 199 – 200.

[505] Ibid., p. 206.

[506] H.H.Dodwell, ed., “British India,” The Cambridge History of India ( 6 Vols.; Cambridge University Press, 1929),

     Vol. V, p. 164.

[507] Tellicherry Factory Diary, Vol. XX, p. 312.

[508] E.M. Panikker, A History of Kerala ( 1498 – 1801)

[509] History of Hyder Ali Cawn ( Thacker & Co.), p. 69., quoted in K.M. Panikkar, op.cit., p. 322.

[510] Tellicherry Factory Diary, Vol. XX, p.312.

[511] Bombay Secret & Political Diary, April 5, 1778, No. 19, pp. 175-176.

[512] Ibid., January 8, 1779. No. 20, pp. 48 – 49.

[513] Muhammad Mujeeb, The Indian Muslims ( London, George Allen and Unwin Ltd., 1967), p. 419.

[514] Bombay Secret & Political Diary, February 27, 1779, pp. 330 – 332.

[515] Bombay Secret & Political Diary, May 27, 1779, No. 21, pp. 496 – 498.

[516] W. Logan, Malabar, Vol. I, p. 426.

[517] Bombay Secret and Political Diary, No. 21, pp. 642 – 648.

[518] Tellicherry Factory Diary, Folio 1479, p. 230.

[519] Bombay Secret & Political Diary, No. 21, pp. 722 – 733.

[520] W. Logan, op. cit., p. 436.

[521] Tellicherry Factory Diary, August 22, 1782.

[522] W. Logan, Treaties, etc., I, XC, p. 78.

[523] M. Wilks, Historical Sketches, Vol. II, p. 126. The cow being a sacred animal of the Hindus, its flesh was

     nauseating for the Kadathanad Nayars.

[524] K. V. Panikkar, op.cit., p. 346.

[525] Bombay Secret & Political Diary, August 27, 1788, No. 38, pp. 502 – 503.

[526] Ibid., February 24, 1789, pp. 73 – 74.

[527] Tellicherry Factory Diary, Folio 1505, p. 79.

[528] Bombay Secret & Political Diary, March 1, 1789, p. 133.

[529] Tellicherry Factory Diary, Folio 1505, p. 99.

[530] Bombay Secret & Political Diary, March 1, 1790. No. 40, pp. 10 -11.

[531] Ibid,. March 24, 1790, pp. 124 – 125.

[532] Tellicherry Factory Diary, Folio No. 1506, p. 136.

[533] Ibid., April 24, 1790.

[534] Bombay Secret & Political Diary, January 8, 1791, pp. 193 – 194.

[535] K.M. Panikkar, op. cit., p. 326.

[536] W. Logan, Malabar, p. 630.

[537] The caste division is 1. Brahmins (the priestly caste), 2. Kshatriyars (warriors), 3. Vaisyas (merchants), 4. Sudras

 (menials), and 5. Outcastes. Logan is in error in calling them Kshatriyas.

 

[538] A. Sreedhara Menon, A Survey of Kerala History, p. 203.

[539] Tellicherry to Bombay – November 1, 1729, Letters from Tellicherry, Vol. I, p. 15.

[540] Ibid., July 6, 1730, p. 40.

[541] Ibid., February 27, 1734, Vol. III, pp. 31 – 32.

[542] Ibid., August 17, 1734, pp. 49-53.

[543] Ibid., p. 13.

[544] Ibid., p. 17.

[545] Ibid., p.33

[546] Ibid, p. 44.

[547] Ibid. p. 46.

[548] Ibid., pp. 46 - 47.

[549] Ibid.

[550] Tellicherry to Bombay, February 2, 1736, Letters from Tellicherry, p. 64.

[551] Tellicherry Factory Diary, February 23, 1756.

[552] C.U. Aitchison, Treatise, Engagements, etc., Vol. V, p. 352.

[553] Tellicherry Factory Diary, Vol. II, pp. 63 - 64

[554] Ibid., pp. 136 - `38.

[555] Ibid., p. 155.

[556] Ibid., Vol. II, p. 154.

[557] W. Logan, A. Collection of Treatises, etc. I, CXIV, p. 103.

[558] Tellicherry Factory Diary, Vo. IV, p. 209.

[559] W. Logan, A Collection of Treatise, etc., p. 62.

[560] Tellicherry Factory Diary, Vol. XVI, pp. 101 – 102.

[561] Ibid., p. 107.

[562] Tellicherry Factory Diary, Vol. XX, pp. 298 – 299.

[563] Ibid., Folio 1478, p. 210.

[564] Bomber Secret& Political Diary, January 8, 1779, Mo. 20, pp. 48 – 49.

[565] Ibid., No. 26, p.2.

[566] K.M.Panikkar, A History of Kerala, p. 339.

[567] Bombay Secret & Political Diary,  November 6, 1761. No. 25, pp. 524 – 526.

[568] Tellicherry Factory Diary, Folio No. 1495, p.114.

[569] Ibid.,December 18, 1781, Vol.

[570] K.M.Panikker, A. History of Kerala, p. 340

[571] Bombay Secret & Political Diary, January 8, 18782, No. 26, pp. 32 – 34.

[572] Ibid.,January 19, pp. 94 – 95.

[573] Bombay Secret & Political Diary, February 24, 1789, pp. 73 – 74.

[574] Tellicherry Factory Diary, Folio 1505, p.79.

[575] M. Wilks, Historical Sketches, Vol. II, p.132.

[576] K.M. Historical Sketches, Vol. JJ, p. 132.

[577] Quoted by V. Nagam Aiya, Travancore Manual ( Trivandurm: Government Press. 1906), Vol.I, p. 396.

[578] J. Spencer, J. Smee and A. Walter, A Report on the Administration of Malabar, p. 4.

[579] Ibid.

[580] Ibid., p.6.

[581] Bombay Secret & Political Diary, No. 40, pp. 102 – 105.

[582] Tellicherry Factory Diary, Folio No. 1506, p. 136.

[583] Bombay Secret & Political Diary, March 22, 1790.

[584] Ibid., May 31, 1790, pp. 294 – 295.

[585] Poona Residency Correspondence, June 28, 1790, Vol. III, pp. 166 – 169.

[586] Bombay Secret & Political Diary, January 12, 1791, No. 41 – A, pp. 30 – 39.

[587] K.M.Panikkar, A History of Kerala, p. 388.

[588] Cf. Roland R. Miller, Mappila Muslims of Kerala, p. 102.

[589] Quoted in P. Nightingale, Trade and Empire in Western India, p. 69.

[590] Ibid.

[591] J. Spencer, J. Smee and A. Walter, A Report on the Administration of Malabar, p. 9.

[592] Bombay Secret & Political Diary, No. 43, pp. 356 – 376.

[593] Bombay Commissioner’ Diary, May 4, 1792, Cf. W. Logan, Treatise etc. II, IV, p. 148.

[594] Bombay Secret & Political Diary, April 22, 1792, No. 43,pp. 445 – 446.

[595] Report of a Joint Commission from Bengal and Bombay appointed to inspect into the state and condition of the

    Province of Malabar in the years 1792 – 1793 ( 3 Vola: Bombay: Corsair Press, n.d., ca. 1793) p. 66.

[596] Joint Commissioners Report, paras 64, 72, 90.

[597] Tellicherry Factory Diary, August 24, 1791. Cf. W. Logan, Treaties. Etc., I. XCVII.

[598] Bombay Commissioners’ Diary, May 29, 1792. Cf. W. Logan, Treatises, etc. II. VII. P. 149.

[599] Bombay Commissioners’ Diary, July 12, 179. Cf. W. Logan, op.cit., II,XI, p. 153. The Palghat Achchans or Rajas

    are, it is believed, of Kshatriya descent. According to one account they are the descendants of the Pandya kings  

   of Madura. The kingdom was also known as Tarur Swarupam. The Palghat Rajas were always under constant

  military and political pressure from the Zamorin and it was on their request that Hyder invaded South Malabar in

  1756.

[600] Ibid.

[601] C. U.Aitchison, Treatises, etc., Vol. V, p. 390.

[602] K.V.Krishna Ayyar, The Zamorins of Calicut, p. 254.

[603] Ibid., p. 81.

[604] Ibid., pp. 78 – 79.

[605] Ibid.

[606] Bombay Secret & Political Proceedings, Vol. V, pp. 446 – 462.

[607] The Joint Commissioners’ Report, pp. 80.

[608] Ibid., pp. 81, 82.

[609] C.U.Aitchison, op.cit.,Vol. V, p. 404.

[610] Ibid.

[611] Joint Commissioners’ Report. P. 91.

[612] Bombay Commissioners’ Diary, August 18, 1792, Cf. W. Logan, op.cit., II,XVI, p. 163.

[613] K.M.Panikkar, op.cit., p. 309.

[614] W. Logan, Malabar, Vol. I, p. 481.

[615] Joint Commissioners’ Report, p. 281. Though Swaminatha Pattar was seriously wounded, he recovered under

     the treatment of Surgeon Wye.

[616] Bombay Commissioners’ Diary, October 12, 1792, Cf. W. Logan, Treatises etc., II. XVIII, p. 167. A candy was 

     Originally 866 pounds, but was later put at 640 pounds.

[617] Bombay Commissioners’ Diary, October 23, 1792, Cf. W. Logan, op.cit., II. III. P. 168.

[618] C.U. Aitchison, op.cit., Vol. V, p. 370.

[619] Cornwallis to Duncan and Boddam, November 16, 1792, Bombay Revenue Proceedings, Vol. 14, pp. 210 – 214.

[620] Ibid.

[621] Extract from the Governor-General’s instructions to the Commissioners deputed to the Malabar Coast, para 3.

[622] Ibid., para 5.

[623] Ibid.

[624] Joint Commissioners’ Diary, April 13, 1793. Cf. W. Logan, op. cit., vol. V, p. 394.

[625] C.U. Aitchison, op. cit., Vol V, p. 394.

[626] Joint Commissioners’ Report, October 11, 1793, paras 30 & 92. It was only in 1796 Colonel Dow discovered that

     Veera Varma had no claim over Kurumbranad. He was an intriguing sort of individual always ready to grasp at

     personal advantage.” The Joint Commissioners found him to be “ a very convenient stalking horse for bringing

     the Zamorin and the other Rajas to terms for he was willing to accept the management of any districts

     belonging  to other people on any terms so long as these promised to be of advantage to himself personally. “

     Cf.W. Logan, op.cit.,p. 150.

[627] Joint Commissioners’’ Diary, July 2, 1793, Cf. W. Logan, op. cit.,II,XLVII, p. 194.

[628] He was called Pazhassi Raja, because Pazhassi was a town in Kottayam district, and it was the seat of the Raja.

[629] Joint Commissioners’ Diary, July 2, 1795. Cf. W. Logan, op. cit., II.XLIV, p. 191. Canango is derived from the

     Persian canugoi – administrative officer.

[630] Ibid.

[631] The Joint Commissioners’ Report, pp. 202 – 203.

[632] C.U.Aitchison, op. cit., Vol. V, p. 408

[633] The Joint Commissioners’ Report, pp. 270 – 271.

[634] Ibid.

[635] Ibid., para 343 – 351.

[636] Malabar Supervisor’s Diary, November 8, 1793. Cf. W. Logan, op.cit., II.LXIX, p. 211.

[637] W. Logan, Malabar, Vol. I, p. 499.

[638] Malabar Supervisor’s Diary, December 12, 1793. Cf. W. Logan, Treaties etc., II. LXXIII, p. 214.

[639] Ibid., December 20, 1793. Cf. W. Logan , op.cit., II.LXXIV, p. 215.

[640] C.U. Aitchison, op.cit., Vol. V, p. 411.

[641] Malabar Supervisor’s Diary, April 18, 1796, Cf. W. Logan, op.cit., II. LXXXVIII. P. 230.

[642] Malabar Commissioners’ Diary, April 5, 1796.

[643] W. Logan, Malabar, Vol. I, p. 5 0 5.

[644] The Diary of the Second Malabar Commission, April 5, 1796. Cf. W.Logan, op.cit., II.C, p.46.

[645] Ibid., March 16, 1796.

[646] Ibid.

[647] Kist ( Malayalam – meaning in English  - instalment).

[648] The Diary of the Second Malabar Commission, April 5, 1776.

[649] Malabar Supervisor’s Diary, December 14, 1795.

[650] Quoted by W. Logan, Malabar, Vol. I, p. 506.

[651] K.M.Panikkar, A History of Kerala, p, 397.

[652] W. Logan, op.cit., p. 506.

[653] Ibid.

[654] The Joint Commissioners’ Report, para 261.

[655] W. Logan, Malabar, Vol. I, p.95.

[656] Diary of the Second Malabar Commission, July 6, 1796.

[657] Ibid., August 24, 1796.

[658] Joint Commissioners’ Report, para 51.

[659] Diary of the Second Malabar Commission, October 11, 1790.

[660] Diary of the Northern Superintendent, October18, 1799.

[661] Ibid.

[662] Extract from the Commissioners’ letter to the Madras Government, August 14, 1800, No. 565.

[663] Ibid.

[664] Onam is the national festival in September lasting for 10 days; Vishu is the feast of vernal equinox on the 1^st of 

     Medam corresponding to 10^th April.

[665] Malabar Joint Commissioners’ Diary,  January 9, 1793.

[666] Ibid.

[667] Ibid.

[668] Ibid.

[669] W. Logan, Malabar, Vol. I, p. 140.

[670] Ibid. Tiyar or Thiyya – A caste of the palm climbers.

[671] K.P. Padmanabha Menon, A History of Kerala, Vol. II, p.260.

[672] W. Logan, Treaties etc., II. X, p. 152.

[673] Malabar District Records. Vol. I, p. 276.

[674] Malabar Supervisor’s Diary, September 13, 1793, Cf.

[675] Malabar District Records, Vol. I, p. 278, quoting letter of Supervisor to Government, dated April 23, 1793.

[676] Malabar Joint Commissioners’ Diary, January 1, 1793, Cf. W. Logan, Treatises etc., XXIV, p. 172.

[677] Ibid.

[678] Malabar Joint Commissioners’ Diary, February 8, 1793 – Cf.W. Logan,  ., II. XXIX, p. 415.

[679] Aitchison’s Collections, Vol. V, p. 415.

[680] Herbert Wigram, A Contemporary on Malabar Law and Customs ( Madras: Grover Cookson & cc, 1862), p. 189.

[681] District Records, 1795, Vol. 2497, pp. 1 – 2.

[682] Extract of Letter from Hon. Co. in Political Department, August 5,   1796

[683] Ibid.

[684] Regulations. June 12, 1793.

[685] Ibid.

[686] John Shore, Minutes, p.85, para 118.

[687] Ibid.

[688] TK.Ravindran, Malabar Under Bombay Presidency (Calicut: Mascot Pesidency ( Calicut: Mascot Press, 1969),

      p.25

[689] Malabar Supervisor’s Diary, December 15, 1705, Cf. W. Logan, op.cit., II. CXI, p. 250.

[690] H. Wigram, op.cit., p. 109.

[691] Reply of the Governor-General in Council to the Malabar Joint Commissioners. Report, p.127. paras26 -28.

[692] The English records his name is spelt ‘Pychy’, ‘Paichey’, and ‘Pychi’.

[693] Tellicherry Factory Diary, May 8, 1790, Cf. W. Logan, Treaties etc., I. XCV, p. 85.

[694] Ibid., May 17, 1790.

[695] C.U. Aitchison, pp. op.cit., Vol. V, p.365.

[696] Bombay Commissioners’ Diary, May 27, 1702.

[697] Joint Commissioners’ Report, para 30.

[698] Joint Commissioners’ Report, p. 87.

[699] W. Logan, Malabar, Vol. I, pp. 497.

[700] Ibid.

[701] J.A. Wilson, October 15, 1801, Report on Malabar, pp. 1-3.

[702] James Hodgson, Narrative of Circumstances Leading to the Cotiote Rebellion

[703] This barbarous form of execution was known as the Kalu Maram or eagle tree, and the impaling stake appears

     to have the resemblance to that bird.

[704] Robert Rickards, Narrative of Occurrences leading to the late Coticto Rebellion, pp. 93 – 187

[705] Bombay Secret & Political Proceedings, Vol VI. pp. 18 -19.

[706] Bombay Revenue Proceedings, June 30, 1796, Vol. 19.

[707] It is estimated that the treasure was worth 17,000 rupees. A portion of it – 301 gold mohurs, 2568 venetians

     and 1 gubber – was sent to Tellicherry by Gordon.

[708] W. Logan, op.cit., p.511.

[709] Ibid.

[710] P. Nightingale, Trade and Empire in Western India, p.115.

[711] Diary of the Second Malabar Commission, August 5, 1796.

[712] Ibid.

[713] Ibid.

[714] Ibid.

[715] Report of the Malabar Committee on the Cotiote Rebellion, p. 2.

[716] Robert Rickards, op. cit., pp. 93 – 187.

[717] S.B. Chaudhuri, Civil Disturbances during the British Rule in India ( 1765 – 1857), p. 121.

[718] W. Logan, op. cit., p. 513.

[719] Robert Rockards, op.cit., para 171.

[720] Diary of the Second Malabar Commission, Cf. W. Logan, Treaties etc., II, CXXXI, pp. 268 – 269.

[721] Ibid.

[722] S.B. Chaudhuri, op. cit., p. 122.

[723] Robert Rickards, op. cit., p. 243.

[724] J.A.Wilson, February 15, 1801, Report on Malabar, pp. 1 – 5.

[725] W.Logan, op.cit., p. 514.

[726] Robert Rickardo, op. cit., pp. 174 – 243.

[727] Bombay Secret & Political Diary, January 26, 1797, No. 55, pp. 83 – 85.

[728] Ibid.

[729] Wilkinson’s Minutes, February 2, 1797, Cf. W. Logan, op. cit., p. 513.

[730] Report of the Malabar Committee on the Coticto Rebellion, pp. 130 – 160.

[731] Bombay Secret & Political Diary, No. 55, pp. 87 – 116.

[732] Ibid., No. 56, pp. 631 – 634.

[733] Ibid., pp. 631 – 634.

[734] Bombay Secret & Political Diary, No, 56, pp. 1008 – 1014.

[735] Ibid.

[736] Ibid.

[737] Ibid.

[738] Diary of the Second Malabar Commission, May 6, 1797.

[739] Diary of the Malabar Committee, May 4, 1797. Cf. W. Logan, op.cit., II. CXXXVII, p. 273.

[740] Ibid.

[741] Bombay Secret & Political Diary, No. 56, pp. 1008 – 1014.

[742] Ibid.

[743] Diary of the Malabar Committee, June 2, 1797. Cf. W. Logan, op. cit., II. CXXXVIII, p. 274.

[744] Bombay Secret & Political Diary, No. 57, pp. 1203 – 1204.

[745] Ibid., pp. 1401 – 1412.

[746] Diary of the Malabar Committee, September 27, 1797. Cf. W. Logan, op. cit., II. CLII, p. 282.

[747] Ibid., December 10, 1797. Cf. W. Logan, op.cit., II.CLII, p. 282.

[748] Government Committee Diaries, Vol. 2136, p. 599.

[749] Diary of R, Hodgson, 1600, p. 107.

[750] Diary of the Collector of Cotiote, July 23, 1800, p. 1.

[751] John Shore, Minutes, March 27, 1794, pp. 140 – 141.

[752] Malabar Northern Superintendents’ Revenue Diaries, p. 205.

[753] Malabar Supervisor’s Records ( Political Department), Vol. V, p. 97.

[754] M.Martin, The Despatches, Minutes and Correspondences of the Marquess Wellesley, Vol. I, p. 447.

[755] Madras Council, April 1, 1800, Secret Consultations, Vol 10, pp. 310 – 311.

[756] Ibid., p. 367.

[757] Ibid., Political Consultations, Vol. 2, pp. 395 – 8.

[758] Edward Clive, April 14, 1800, Secret Despatiches to England, Vol. 2, p. 22.

[759] The bandit Chief was styled Elampulasseri Unni Moosa Moopan, and he lived in a fortified house in the jungles at a place called “Tereangnanor” in the records. He kept with him a hundred armed followers. He was offered a pension of Rs. 1,000 per annum, but he refused it. The Supervisor offered a reward of Rs. 3,000 for his capture. When the Governor viited Malabar in 1797, he pardoned him and his property was restored on condition of “ his peaceable demeanour.” (Diary of th Second Malabar Commission, December 23, 1797). In 1800, however, he joined the Pazhassi Raja’s Rebellion and in 1802 he was shot in an attack on his fortified house at Kalipar hill by Captain Watson, June 29, 1802)

[760] Board of Revenue, May 4, 1801, Proceedings, Vol. 282, pp. 5265 – 6.

[761] I. Sartorius, October 31, 1800, Letter to Madras, Political Consultations, Vol. 4, pp. 778 – 9.

[762] Diary of the Collector of Cotiote, pp. 1 – 2.

[763] Kerala Varma to Kulliaden Kutty Ambu, July 21, 1800, Diary of the Collector of Cotiote, pp. 17 – 18.

[764] Diary of the Collector of Cotiote, p. 13

[765] Ibid., p.16.

[766] Ibid., September 25, 1800, p.75.

[767] Ibid., October 3, 1600, p. 75.

[768] Ibid.

[769] Ibid., October 10, 1800.

[770] Palur Eman Nayar of Muppainad met the Malabar Commissioners at the outbreak of hostilities with Tipu in

    1799 and expressed his loyalty to the British. They gave him protection and he became their confidante. It was

    to consult him about the mode of operation that he was invited by Wellesley to Seringapatam. He drew a

    pension of 200 rupees from the British. It was very probable that throughout the period, he was a secret

    emissary of the Pazhassi Raja. In 1802 he and his relations openly supported the Pazhassi Raja. The British

    offered a reward for his capture, and finally he was tracked down an banished to the Prince of Wales island in

    1806.

[771] Political Consultations, November 1, 1800, Vol.4, pp. 731 – 6.

[772] Military Consultations, Vol. 262, pp. 2999 – 3002.

 

[773] Madras Council, May 15, 1891, Military Consultations, Vol. 282, pp. 3036 – 9.

[774] Ibid., F ebruary 29, 1801, Revenue Consultation, Vol. 107, pp. 173 – 7.

[775] Ibid., Military Consultations, Vol. 281, p. 3022.

[776] Ibid., Vol. 282, p. 3043.

[777] Stevenson to Innes, January, 1801, Military Consultations, Vol. 282, p. 3026.

[778] Madras Council, May 22, 1801, Military Consultations, Vol. 283, p. 3421.

[779] J. Webb to Stevenson, February 20, 1801, Ibid., pp. 3068 – 73.

[780] Madras Council, May 15, 1801, Ibid., pp. 3068 – 73.

[781] Diary of J.W.Wye, April 27, 1801.

[782] Ibid.

[783] Ibid., p. 3094.

[784] Ibid.,p. 3127.

[785] Military Consultations, Vol. 282, p. 3022.

[786] Military Consultations, May 15, 1801. Vol. 282, pp. 3139 – 44.

[787] Ibid., pp. 3217 – 22.

[788] Ibid.

[789] Ibid.

[790] Ibid., May  15, 1801, pp. 3203 – 7.

[791] Correspondence Relating to the Pyche Raja’s Rebellion, July 23, 1801, pp. 17 – 18.

[792] Ibid.

[793] Ibid., November 1801, p. 93.

[794] Ibid., November 27, 1801, p. 101.

[795] Ibid, December 6, 1801, p. 105.

[796] Military Despatches to England, October 15, 1801, Vol. 31, p. 136.

[797] Letter Book of the Principal Collector of Malabar, January 30, 1802, cf. W. Logan, op.cit., II. CCXXIV, pp. 347 –

     348.

[798] Ibid.

[799] Ibid.

[800] Letter Book of the Principal Collector of Malabar, April 27, 1803, Cf. W. Logan, op.cit., II. CCXXXVI, p. 350.

[801] Court of Directors, August 24, 1804, Revenue Despatches to Madras, Vol. 2, pp. 398 – 402.

[802] Diary of the Malabar commercial Residency, September 17, 1802.

[803] Collector Rickards Report to Board of Revenue. Cf. W. Logan, Malabar, p. 535.

[804] Ibid.

[805] W. Logan, Ibid.

[806] Ibid., p. 536.

[807] Ibid.

[808] M. Martin, The Despatches, Minutes and Correspondence of the Marquess Wellesley, Vol. I.

[809] Correspondence Relating to Pychi Raja’s Rebellion, November 1, 1803, pp. 409 – 410.

[810] W. Logan, op. cit., p. 537.

[811] Madras Council, March 4, 1803, Secret Consultation, Vol. 15, pp. 92 – 93.

[812] Correspondence Relating to Pychi Raja’s Rebellion, December 7, 1803, p. 22i.

[813] Ibid., May 20, 1805, pp. 313 – 15.

[814] Ibid., June 5, 1803, pp. 141 – 42.

[815] Correspondence Relating to Pychi Raja’s Rebellion, September 2, 1803, p. 205.

[816] Ibid., February 25, 1804, pp. 237 – 269.

[817] Ibid., April 5, 1804, p. 271.

[818] Court of Directors, August 24, 1804, Revenue Despatches to Madras, Vol.2. pp. 399 – 402.

[819] Letter Book of the Principal Collector of Malabar, March 11, 1803. Cf. W. Logan, Treaties, etc., II. CCXL, pp. 353 –

     354.

[820] Ibid.

[821] Ibid., April 16, 1803. Cf. W. Logan, op.cit., II. CCXLI, pp.354 – 355.

[822] Ibid.

[823] Ibid.

[824] Ibid., Jne 29, 1803, Cf. W. Logan, II, CCXLIII, pp. 356 – 7.

[825] Correspondence Relating ot Pychi Rajah’s Rebellion, December 7, 1803, p. 221.

[826] W.J. Wilson, History of the Madras Army, Vol.III, p.146.

[827] Ibid., p. 147.

[828] Correspondence Relating to Pychi Rajah’s Rebellion, January 4, 1803, p.137.

[829] W.J.Wilson, History of the Madras Army, Vol.III, p. 147.

[830] S.B.Chaudhuri, op.cit., p. 124.

[831] W. Logan, Malabar, p. 540

[832] Ibid.

[833] Ibid., p. 546.

[834] Correspondence relating to Pychi Raja’sRebellion, April 1, 1804, p. 198.

[835] Diary of the Principal Collector of Malabar, June 14, 1804. Cf. W. Logan, Treaties etc., II.CCL, p. 363.

[836] W.J. Wilson, History of the Madras Army, Vol.III, p. 147.

[837] A copy in the Records. Cf. W. Logan, op.cit., II,VVLIV, p. 367.

[838] W.J. Wilson, History of the Madras Army, Vol.III, p. 148.

[839] Correspondence Relating to Pychi Raja’s Rebellion, June 1805, pp. 339 – 340.

[840] Copy in the Records.Cf. Treaties etc., II. ColV. Pp. 367 – 368.

[841] Ibid.

[842] W. Logan, Malabar, p. 542.

[843] Correspondence Regarding the Pichi Raja’s Rebellion, March 31, 1804, p. 197.

[844] Ibid., p. 196.

[845] Ibid.

[846] Correspondence Relating to Pychi Raja’s Rebellion, pp. 409 – 435.

[847] W. Logan, op.cit., p. 549.

[848] Correspondence Relating to Pychi Raja’s Rebellion, March 10, 1806, pp. 453 – 475.

[849] A Copy in the Records, Cf. W. Logan, op. cit,. II – CCLVII, pp. 369 – 370.

[850] Correspondence Relating to Pychi Raja’s Rebellion, pp. 473 – 474.

[851] W.J. Wilson, History of the Madras Army, Vol 3, p. 149.

[852] A Copy in the Records, Cf. W. Logan, op. cit., II. CCLVII. p. 369.

[853] Malabar Collectorate Recores, Inward Register, Public Department, Vol.2172, Ff. 25 – 26.

[854] The Modern Review, January 1966.

[855] Government Committee Diaries, Vol. 2136, p. 599.

[856] Durate Barbosa, The Book of Durate Barbosa, tr. By M.W.Dames (London: Haklyut Society, 1918), p.74.

[857] G. K. Nambiar, The Kunjalis, Admirals of Calicut ( Embassy: Asia Publishing House, rev. ed., 1963), p. 144. The

     Kunjali Marakkars belonged to a family of fighting admirals that once served the Zamorins.

[858] Ralph M. Fitch, op. cit., p. 503.

[859] Francis H. Buchanan, op. cit., p. 369.

[860] Mohibbul Hasan Khan, History of Tipu Sultan (Calcutta: the Bibliophile Ltd., 1951), p. 141.

[861] Arnold J. Toynbee, The World and the West, (1915) p. 2.

[862] Ramsey Muir, The Making of British India (1915) p. 2.

[863] The star pagoda was 3 1/8^th rupees in value.

[864] The Joint Commissioners’ Report, Vol.1, pp. 36f.

[865] Roland E. Miller, op. cit., p. 102f.

[866] Ibid., p. 217.

[867] C.N.Parkinson, Trade in the Eastern Sea, 1793 – 1813 ( Cambridge:Cambridge University Press, 1937), pp. 2 – 7.

[868] The Joint Commissioners’ Report, para 139.

[869] P. Nightingale, op. cit., p.67.

[870] J.H.Parry, Trade and Dominion,The European Overseas Empire in the Eighteenth Century (London, 1971),

     p.275.

[871] Fifth Report of 1812, ed, by Firminger ( Calcutta: R. Cambaray & Co., 1917), p. 127.

[872] Joint Commissioners’ Diary, February 5, 1793.

[873] Despatch of the Court of Directors, August 31, 1804, para 71 – 74.